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SOCIOLOGY 

ITS   SIMPLER  TEACHINGS  AND 
APPLICATIONS 


BY 

JAMES   QUAYLE   DEALEY,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 
AT  BROWN  UNIVERSITY;  AUTHOR  OF  "  OUR 
STATE  CONSTITUTIONS,"  "  THE  DEVELOPMENT 
OF  THE  STATE,"  AND  CONJOINTLY  WITH  LES- 
TER   F.   WARD,    "A  TEXT-BOOK   OF  SOCIOLOGY" 


33505 


SILVER,   BURDETT  &   COMPANY 

NEW  YORK  BOSTON  CHICAGO 


Copyright,  1909,  by 
SILVER,  BURDETT  &  COMPANY 


WW 


PARENTIBUS   ET    UXORI 


PREFACE 

In  an  attempt  to  simplify  the  teachings  of  sociology 
and  to  show  how  they  may  be  applied  to  social  prob- 
lems, the  explanations  may  not  always  seem  simple, 
nor  the  applications  immediately  practicable.  The  most 
elementary  sociological  vocabulary  is  necessarily  some- 
what technical,  and  there  is  to-day  wide  variation  as 
to  purpose  and  procedure  in  social  reorganization.  Yet 
the  writer  feels  that  there  are  many  who  will  welcome 
a  discussion  of  social  betterment  which  does  not  lead 
up  to  a  socialistic  conclusion. 

In  educational  and  religious  circles,  in  women's  clubs 
and  philanthropic  associations,  there  is  a  deep  interest 
in  the  question  of  the  regeneration  of  society,  but  a 
distrust  of  the  many  short-cut  methods  presented  as 
panaceas.  Experience  seems  to  teach  that  the  road  to 
Elysium  is  hard  and  toilsome,1  and  that  no  Rome  can 
be  built  in  a  day. 

In  these  times  of  social  unrest,  when  accustomed 
modes  of  thought  and  action  are  constantly  under 
attack,  and  when  radicalism  in  many  forms  is  rampant, 
it  may  be  well  to  make  haste  slowly  in  social  reorgani- 
zation. Much  of  the  old  must  go,  but  society  should  be 
sure  of  its  methods  before  venturing  on  a  decisive  policy. 

1  .  .  .  "  Superasque  evadere  ad  auras, 
Hoc  opus,  hie  labor  est." 

jEneid  VI,  128-9. 
5 


6  PREFACE 

There  is  always  danger  in  attempting  important 
social  innovations  without  a  definite  notion  of  under- 
lying laws  and  principles.  If  a  constructive  policy  can 
be  worked  out  which  will  take  into  account  social  forces, 
conditions  and  possibilities,  then  society  may  safely 
undertake  far-reaching  schemes  for  social  betterment. 
If  science  can  tunnel  mountains,  erect  great  cathedrals, 
multiply  inventions,  and  banish  disease,  there  is  no 
inherent  reason  why  society  through  science  should  not 
be  able  to  free  itself  gradually  from  the  handicap  of 
social  evils,  and  to  accelerate  its  rate  of  progress. 

In  order  that  this  may  be  done,  preliminary  plans 
must  be  worked  out  as  suggestions  for  a  later  policy. 
Doubtless,  early  attempts  of  this  sort  merely  "blaze  a 
trail"  that  ultimately  may  become  a  well-traveled  road. 
These  pages  are  of  that  tentative  nature.  They  aim 
to  suggest  principles  essential  to  social  improvement, 
and  to  indicate  methods  that  may  be  employed  in 
social  betterment.  The  future  will  probably  furnish 
far  wiser  applications  and  principles,  as  through  dis- 
cussion the  feasibility  of  a  social  telic  policy  becomes 
clearer,  and  men  devote  themselves  more  earnestly  to  its 
elucidation.  In  considering  the  needs  of  the  college 
student,  [it  has  been  the  author's  aim  to  present  the 
sociological  problem  as  a  unit.  While,  in  classroom 
use,  this  volume  should  be  supplemented  by  more 
detailed  studies,  and  as  far  as  possible  by  personal 
investigations  of  social  conditions,  nevertheless  it  is 
very  essential  that  in  attention  to  details,  the  student 
should  not  lose  sight  of  the  unity  of  the  whole. 

The  thought  contained  in  these  pages  is  not  original. 


PREFACE  7 

• 

It  may  be  traced  all  the  way  from  Plato  down  to  the 

writings   of   modern  sociologists   in  this   country  and 

Europe.     Especially  should  due  credit  be  given  to  the 

works  and  companionship  of  Professor  Lester  F.  Ward, 

the  Nestor  among  American  sociologists.    The  fathers 

in  the  new  science  deserve  all  honor  for  the  foundations 

they  have  so  wisely  and  faithfully  laid.    Their  reward 

may  come  as  they  see  society  applying  their  conclusions 

to  the  solution  of  social  problems.    This  consummation 

may  be  brought  nearer  if  sociological  teachings  can  be 

made  simpler,  and  become  a  part  of  general  knowledge. 

J.  Q.  Dealey. 
Brown  University, 

August  7,   1909. 


CONTENTS 


€f)e  Simpler  €catf)ing0  of  <&ociologp 

CHAPTER   I 

SOCIOLOGY   AS  A   SCIENCE 

The  function  of  the  new  science.  Comte's  classification  of 
the  sciences.  The  order  of  the  sciences.  The  order  of  utility. 
The  relative  complexity  of  the  sciences.  The  three  aspects  of 
science.  The  abstract  and  the  concrete.  Sociological  im- 
portance of  scientific  knowledge.  Sociological  data.  Relation 
of  sociology  to  the  other  sciences.  The  special  social  sciences. 
The  science  of  sociology  in  process  of  formation.  The  rela- 
tion of  sociology  to  philosophy.  The  relation  of  sociology  to 
religion.     Social  prevision.    Social  utility  the  aim  of  sociology.      19 

CHAPTER   II 

EARLY   SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT 

Society  or  the  social  group.  Primitive  man.  Primitive 
groups.  The  beginnings  of  civilization.  Man  non-social  by 
nature.  Permanent  group  life.  Early  migrations.  The  util- 
ity of  war.  War  as  social  competition.  Herbert  Spencer. 
Theories  of  social  development.  Illustrations  of  these  theories. 
Status  versus  progress 41 

CHAPTER   III 

ACHIEVEMENT   AND   CIVILIZATION 

Animal  achievement.  Human  achievement  distinctively 
conscious.  Civilization  based  on  mental  attainment.  Ma- 
terial    civilization.     Cultural     civilization.     Civilization     as 

9 


10  CONTENTS 

achievement.  Meaning  of  achievement.  Social  institutions 
as  achievements.  Importance  of  achievement.  Genetic  de- 
velopment. Telic  social  progress.  Static  civilization.  Static 
contrasted  with  dynamic.     National  progress 58 

CHAPTER   IV 
SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY 

Sociological  terms.  Psychology  as  related  to  sociology. 
Social  psychology.  Psychological  data  for  sociology.  Psy- 
chological teachings  of  Ward's  sociology.  Determining 
influence  of  physical  conditions.  Social  pressure.  Social  fric- 
tion. Psychology  of  the  crowd.  Changes  through  dis- 
cussion. "Age  of  discussion."  Change  through  education. 
The  clash  of  interests.  Semi-conscious  imitation.  Conscious 
imitation.     Social  control 74 

CHAPTER   V 
THE    DEVELOPMENT    OF    SOCIAL    INSTITUTIONS 

Intellect  as  a  social  factor.  The  unity  of  social  institutions. 
A  social  institution  defined.  The  law  in  development.  Fili- 
ation and  relationship  of  social  institutions.        ....       90 

I.  Economic  Development:  Influence  of  natural  condi- 
tions. Migration  as  a  factor.  The  demand  for  foods.  The 
storage  of  foods.  Nomadism  and  agriculture.  Rise  of 
slavery.  The  leisure  class.  Trade  and  the  industries.  Re- 
sultant social  achievement.  The  utilization  of  the  materials 
and  forces  of  nature.  The  natural  wages  of  labor.  Modifi- 
cations in  higher  civilization 96 

CHAPTER   VI 

THE   DEVELOPMENT    OF    SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 

(Continued) 

II.  The  Family:  Primitive  kinship  and  marriage.  Later 
forms  of  kinship.  Ancient  conjugal  relationships.  Sex  mo- 
rality. Regulation  of  marriage.  Women's  influence.  The 
equality  of  woman.  Improvement  in  the  conjugal  relation- 
ship. Ideals  in  sex  morality.  Monogamous  marriage.  Family 
affection.  Maternal  ignorance.  Enlargement  of  domestic 
ideals.     Improvement  through  foresight 110 


CONTENTS  11 

III.  The  Development  of  the  State:  Beginnings  of  the 
state.  The  state  of  the  patriarchal  period.  The  state  as  a 
matured  institution.  Distinctions  of  caste  and  class.  The 
influence  of  commerce.  Commerce  favorable  to  democracy. 
Growth  of  the  powers  of  the  state.  The  class  struggle. 
Aristocracy  becoming  democracy.  Changes  in  governmental 
organization.  Conditions  for  democracy.  The  movement 
toward  democracy.  The  elimination  of  war.  Development  of 
democracy.     Scientific  legislation 123 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 
(Continued) 

D7.  The  Religious  Institution:  The  growth  of  religion. 
The  higher  development  of  religion.  Influence  of  environ- 
ment on  religion.  The  priesthood.  Influence  of  a  priest- 
hood. Rigidity  in  teachings.  The  church  as  a  social  insti- 
tution. The  separation  of  church  from  state.  Effects  of 
independence.     Permanency  of  religion.  .        .        .        .138 

V.  The  Institution  of  Morals:  Primitive  customs.  The 
tabu.  Modifications  of  the  tabu.  Regulation  in  morals. 
Higher  standards  of  morals  possible.  Morals  differentiated. 
Imperfections  of  customary  standards.  Changing  standards 
of  morality.  Class  morality.  Differing  codes  of  morals. 
Modifications  in  morals.  Group  morality.  Opposition  of 
public  and  private  interests.  Individualistic  codes  of  morals. 
Toleration  in  morals.  Social  regulation.  Humanitarian  ethics. 
Modern  altruism.     A  new  basis  for  morality.     Moral  idealism.     146 

CHAPTER   VIII 

THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 

(Continued) 

VI.  Cultural  Development:  Basis  of  cultural  civilization. 
Growth  of  cultural  achievements.  Static  standards.  Dy- 
namic changes  in  cultural  ideals.  The  leisure  class.  A  new 
slavery.  Higher  education  for  the  elite  only.  The  receptive 
mind.  Social  importance  of  cultural  achievement.  The  telic 
achievement  of  culture.  A  career  for  talent.  Genetic  choice. 
Wastefulness  of  genetic  choice.  Latent  talent  and  genius. 
Leisure  and  the  industries.     The  real  classes  in  society.       .     166 


12  CONTENTS 

$art  €too 

application^  of  Sociological  €eacl)ing  to 
Some  Social  $roblem£ 

CHAPTER   IX 
SOCIAL    PROGRESS 

The  struggle  for  survival.  "Pain  and  pleasure  economy." 
Social  reforms  as  panaceas.  The  utility  of  sociology..  Static 
civilization.  Dynamic  movements.  Genetic  contrasted  with 
telic  movement.  A  telic  policy,  The  basis  for  progress. 
Telic  evolution. 187 

CHAPTER  X 
RACIAL   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS 

Human  origins.  Racial  differences.  Racial  progress. 
Handicaps  on  lower  civilizations.  Racial  amalgamation.  The 
final  amalgamation  of  humanity.  Racial  survival.  Evils  in 
amalgamation.  American  racial  problems.  Effects  of  immi- 
gration. Social  solutions  for  racial  problems.  Eugenics. 
Social  racial  safeguards.     Racial  continuance     ....     200 

CHAPTER  XI 
ECONOMIC   FACTORS  IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS 

Influence  of  physical  environment.  Modifications  through 
human  agency.  Progress  dependent  on  man's  control  over 
natural  forces.  Possibilities  of  further  modifications.  Modi- 
fication through  the  state.  Regulation  of  economic  inter- 
ests. Improvement  in  government.  Economic  achievement. 
Changes  in  economic  institutions.  Illustrations  of  economic 
regulation.  A  telic  suggestion.  Education  for  economic  life. 
The  state's  share  in  this  education 215 

CHAPTER  XII 

J  THE   RELATION    OF    CULTURAL   TO   MATERIAL 
CIVILIZATION 

The  material  as  a  basis  for  the  cultural.  Conditions  favor- 
able to  a  leisure  class.     The  relation  of  the  group  to  the  in- 


CONTENTS  13 

dividual.  Class  distinctions  in  culture.  The  growth  of  talent 
and  genius.  Social  importance  of  cultural  civilization.  So- 
cial demand  for  talent  and  genius.  Need  of  cultural  ideals. 
Racial  vigor.  Means  of  attaining  racial  vigor.  Social  pos- 
sibilities  231 

CHAPTER   XIII 

EDUCATION  AS  A  FACTOR  IN  SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

Education  in  the  schools.  The  aim  of  public  education.  - 
Supposed  antagonism  of  utility  and  culture.  Rise  of  cul- 
tural ideals.  The  errors  of  past  civilization.  Social  value 
of  the  ideas  of  culture.  Agencies  for  education.  Scientific 
knowledge.  Telic  multiplication  of  achievement.  Group 
achievement.  Achievement  through  the  state.  Class  or  gen- 
eral education.     Social  importance  of  the  democratic  ideal.     243 


CHAPTER  XIV 

APPLICATIONS   OF    SOCIAL    PSYCHOLOGY    TO    SOCIAL 
PROGRESS 

Social  control  and  individualism.  The  compromise.  Social 
adaptability.  Relativity  of  knowledge.  Social  forces.  The 
development  of  social  forces.  Variations  in  social  control. 
The  stimulus  of  hope.  Importance  of  personality.  The 
development  of  genius.  Individuality.  Individualism  a 
social  necessity. 258 

CHAPTER  XV 

THE   ELIMINATION    OF   SOCIAL   EVILS 

Backward  civilization.  Sociology  and  social  problems. 
Early  conditions  in  the  United  States.  Lack  of  social  fore- 
thought. The  problem  of  immigration.  Economic  problems. 
The  problem  of  education.  Need  of  a  telic  policy.  Social 
hopefulness.  Control  of  social  energy.  Elimination  of  the 
tabu.  Civilization  is  constructive.  Social  leadership.  Elim- 
ination of  social  weakness 272 


14  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVI 

THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS 

(Continued) 

I.  Ignorance:  Ignorance  is  relative.  Ignorance  a  social 
handicap.     Social  policy  toward  ignorance ■    287 

II.  Exploitation:  Natural  exploitation.  Exploitation  for 
profit.  Exploitation  of  the  masses.  Restraints  on  exploita- 
tion. Interest  in  social  aims.  Social  parasitism.  Unity  of 
interests.  291 

III.  Pauperism:  Poverty  and  pauperism.  Social  attitude 
toward  pauperism.  Charity  socially  injurious.  The  chief 
remedies.     Pauperism  should  be  abolished.     Poverty  should 

be  lessened.     Charity  no  remedy ;     298 

IV.  Crime:  Crime  an  ambiguous  term.  Crime  in  its  de- 
velopment. Punishment  for  crime.  Sociological  remedies  for 
crime.  Conflicting  ethical  standards.  Evils  of  poor  regula- 
tion. Reforms  in  systems  of  punishment.  Social  freedom 
from  crime.     Crime  unnatural 304 

CHAPTER  XVII 

THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS 

(Continued) 

V.  Sexual  Immorality:  Nature's  method.  The  social  prob- 
lem of  sexuality.  The  problem  stated.  Racial  strength. 
Modern  celibate  classes.  Evils  from  celibacy.  Society  and 
marriage.  Changes  needed  in  social  policy.  Social  ethics. 
Effects  of  economic  conditions.  Responsibilities  of  medical 
science.  Woman's  influence  on  the  ethics  of  sex.  The  mar- 
riage relation.     The  distinctions  of  sex.     The  scientific  basis 

of  mating. 314 

VI.  Intemperance:  Evils  of  intemperance.  Possibilities  of 
social  regulation.  Other  possible  modifications.  Influence  of 
right  education.  Habits  of  social  drinking.  Psychological 
aspect.  Physiological  causes.  Influences  of  environment.  A 
social  policy.     Regulation  of  drunkenness.  ....     327 

Summary ...     337 


CONTENTS  15 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE    PROGRESS   OF   INDIVIDUALS 

Natural  and  telic  development.  Telic  policy.  Telic  prog- 
ress. Environing  conditions.  The  period  of  adolescence. 
Intellectual  maturity.  The  mental  processes.  The  memory. 
Importance  of  right  knowledge.  The  choice  of  ends.  Social 
leadership.  Choice  of  occupation.  The  pursuit  of  an 
occupation 340 

CHAPTER  XIX 

THE   SOCIAL   IDEAL 

The  ideal  of  sociology  a  relative  one.  Social  change.  A 
policy  of  progress.  Social  flexibility.  Social  activity  is  con- 
structive. Modern  ideals.  The  religious  institution.  A  re- 
ligious element  in  sociology.  Sociology  and  religion.  The 
perfection  of  humanity.  351 

Bibliography 363 

Index '  383 


PART   ONE 
THE   SIMPLER   TEACHINGS  OF   SOCIOLOGY 


CHAPTER  I 

SOCIOLOGY  AS  A  SCIENCE 

The  study  of  sociology  is  becoming  increasingly 
important  because  of  the  hope  that  this  new  science 
The  function  may  Prove  useful  as  a  guide  in  the  further- 
ed the  new  ance  of  individual  and  social  welfare.  For 
science.  many  ages  prophets  of  civilization  dreamed 
of  a  coming  utopia,  but  they  died  without  sight  of 
the  promised  land.  At  times  it  almost  seemed  as 
though  the  millennium  were  near  at  hand,  but  the 
anticipated  paradise  proved  to  be  a  mirage  and  faded 
away  as  darkness  returned.  In  the  nineteenth  century, 
under  the  influence  of  scientific  optimism,  men's  pulses 
once  again  began  to  quicken;  reforms,  Utopias,  and 
panaceas  for  all  social  evils  were  projected — the  usual 
harbingers  of  a  forward  movement  in  civilization.  In 
the  midst  of  this  century  Comte  l  launched  the  new 
science  of  sociology  and  sought  to  show  how  it,  by 
working  out  the  laws  and  principles  of  human  progress, 
might  become  a  guide  in  the  movement  for  social  bet- 
terment. Paraphrasing  a  famous  sentence  from  Rous- 
seau,2 sociology  would  assert  that  men  have  ever  been 
in  bondage  to  custom  and  tradition,  but  that  hence- 
forth they  may  learn  how  to  become  free  and  to  enjoy 
the  fruits  of  freedom.     Whether  this  pretentious  science 

1  See  Bibliography.  *  "Social  Contract,"  Chapter  I. 

19 


20  SOCIOLOGY 

can  ever  satisfy  the  expectations  it  arouses  is  still  an 
open  question,  but  at  any  rate  it  should  remain  open 
until  students  of  social  phenomena  have  had  a  suitable 
opportunity  to  show  the  possibilities  inherent  in  the 
new  study.  Already,  if  one  reads  aright  the  trend  of  the 
times,  the  sociological  idea  has  struck  deep  root  into  the 
thought  of  the  age,  and  the  results  of  its  teachings,  imper- 
fect though  they  are,  have  become  manifest  in  the  con- 
structive policies  so  rapidly  developing  in  social  reform. 
Comte,  in  his  exposition  of  the  field  of  sociology, 
emphasized  as  a  fundamental  condition  for  progress 
the  importance  of  knowledge,  and  sought  to 
classification  show  that  this  should  not  be  metaphysical 
of  the  jn  foe  sense  of  introspective  philosophizing 

sciences.  .  . 

about  ultimate  causes,  but  that  it  should  be 
positive,  verifiable  and  inductively  scientific,  i.  e. 
based  on  a  study  of  phenomena  and  on  the  deduc- 
tions properly  derived  from  such  studies.  Further- 
more, since  the  mind  of  man  is  finite  and  the  earth  is 
a  mere  atom  in  the  universe,  human  knowledge  must 
always  remain  defective  or  relative,  so  that  complete 
or  absolute  knowledge,  humanly  speaking,  is  impossible. 
Comparatively  little,  for  instance,  can  ever  be  known  of 
the  universe  as  a  whole.  Knowledge  of  it  in  the  main 
will  be  bounded  by  the  solar  system,  since  exact  knowl- 
edge of  anything  beyond  this  is  minimized  owing  to  the 
natural  limitations  of  human  mentality.  Yet,  Comte 
argued,  by  careful  observation  and  reflection  there  may 
be  collected  a  mass  of  information,  from  which  can  be 
obtained  increasingly  broader  generalizations.  These 
when  tested  by  experience  form  the  basis  on  which  is 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A  SCIENCE  21 

slowly  built  up  a  series  of  great  sciences,  coordinated 
in  their  fundamental  laws  and  principles,  but  differen- 
tiated in  their  details  through  emphasis  on  different 
fields  of  phenomena.  Following  this  argument  he  then 
advanced  his  famous  classification  of  sciences,  a  classi- 
fication regularly  rejected  by  many  critics,  but  which 
Dr.  Lester  F.  Ward  characterizes  as  "  the  most  sublime, 
interesting  and  important  idea  of  the  last  century."  1 

Much  of  the  objection  arises  because  Comte's  critics 
fail  to  grasp  his  point  of  view.  He  would  in  the  first 
place  ignore  all  knowledge  not  susceptible  of  verifica- 
tion, i.  e.  not  positive  or  scientifically  demonstrable, 
and  would  in  the  second  place  have  the  sciences  com- 
posed of  the  abstract  generalizations  and  laws  under- 
lying the  phenomenal  and  the  concrete.  These  sciences, 
therefore,  would  obtain  their  data  from  the  arts  and 
concrete  sciences  logically  subordinated  to  them,  and 
would  in  their  turn  systematize  and  coordinate  these 
arts  and  sciences. 

In  settling  on  the  order  of  the  sciences,  mathematics, 
the  most  positive  and  exact  of  all  our  knowledge,  is 
The  order  use(^  as  a  norm  or  standard  to  determine  the 
of  the  relative  demonstrability  of  the  laws  of  the 

sciences.  seVeral  sciences.  Grouped  in  the  order  of 
their  mathematical  exactness  there  follow  in  series 
the  great  classes  of  abstract  laws  which  Comte  would 
designate  as  the  sciences  of  astronomy,  physics,  chem- 
istry, biology  and  sociology.  Psychology,  which 
Comte  treated  as  part  of  biology,  Herbert  Spencer2 

}  Brown  (Univ.)  Daily  Herald,  April  20,  1909. 
5  See  Bibliography. 


22  SOCIOLOGY 

and  Lester  F.  Ward  both  place  as  a  separate  science 
between  biology  and  sociology.  Comte,  in  his  later 
teachings,  and  Spencer,  in  his  scheme  of  scientific  clas- 
sification, added  ethics  as  a  final  science  in  the  series, 
but  Ward  shows  that  this  is  practically  identical  with 
what  he  calls  applied  sociology.1  Each  abstract  science, 
he  argues,  may  be  considered  under  the  aspect  of  a 
pure  and  of  an  applied  science.  The  abstract  science  of 
sociology,  therefore,  may  be  divided  into  pure  and 
applied  sociology,  the  latter  of  which  is  for  all  purposes 
the  abstract  science  of  ethics  as  given  by  Comte  and 
Spencer.  Accepting  as  correct  this  explanation  of 
Ward's,  all  the  numerous  sciences  of  human  knowledge 
may  be  grouped  under  these  six  heads,  and  if  logically 
arranged,  the  fundamental  unity  of  knowledge  and  the 
filiation  of  the  sciences  should  become  evident:2 

Astronomy 


Mathematics, 
used  as  standard  J 
of  positivity 


Physics 

Chemistry 

Biology 

Psychology 
Sociology. 


xSee  "Applied  Sociology,"  pp.  317,  318,  and  "The  Career  of 
Herbert  Spencer,"  Political  Science  Monthly,  January,  1909,  pp. 
16,  17. 

2  For  discussions  on  the  classification  of  the  sciences,  see  Comte, 
"Cours  de  philosophie  positive,"  vol.  i,  Chapters  I  and  II;  H. 
Spencer,  "The  Classification  of  the  Sciences";  L.  F.  Ward,  "Out- 
lines of  Sociology,"  Part  I,  and  "Pure  Sociology,"  Chapter  V,  pp. 
65-71;  Karl  Pearson,  "A  Grammar  of  Science,"  Chapter  XII;  F.  H. 
Giddings,  "Principles  of  Sociology,"  Chapter  II,  pp.  45-51 ;  Sociolog- 
ical Papers,  see  Bibliography,  numerous  articles  in  series,  1905-1907; 
Levy-Bruhl,  "The  Philosophy  of  Comte,"  Chapter  III,  et  seq. 


SOCIOLOGY  AS   A  SCIENCE  23 

For  the  broad  generalizations  of  each  science  in  the 
series  become  the  basis  for  the  next  following  science, 
which  adds  the  principles  deduced  from  the  study  of 
a  specialized  yet  kindred  branch  of  knowledge.  Thus 
each  of  the  later  sciences  springs  from  and  is  differen- 
tiated from  its  predecessor,  is  dependent  on  all  those 
that  precede  it,  and  is  necessarily  more  complex  and  less 
exact.  Moreover,  as  each  of  the  later  sciences  has  its 
own  special  field  it  is  not  a  mere  subdivision  of  its  basal 
science  or  sciences,  but  is  independent  within  its  own 
proper  sphere.  Under  such  an  arrangement,  sciences 
may  be  said  to  be  coordinated,  and  to  be  grouped  (1)  in 
the  order  of  their  exactness,  or  (2)  in  the  order  of  their 
relationship  or  "filiation,"  l  or  (3)  in  the  order  of  their 
complexity. 

This  series  emphasizes  also  from  a  sociological  stand- 
point the  relative  utility  of  the  sciences  to  man;    the 

first  science,  astronomy,  being  the  least,  and 
ofutmt-T     sociology  the  most  useful.     For  it  is  clearly 

fundamentally  important  that  men  should 
thoroughly  understand  the  principles  underlying  human 
association  so  as  to  comprehend  the  meaning  of  civil- 
ization and  wisely  to  guide  the  activities  and  ambitions 
of  society.  For  practical  purposes  this  is  by  far  the 
most  useful  knowledge  mankind  can  possess.  Yet  in 
order  to  attain  this  knowledge,  the  psychological  group 
of  sciences  must  of  course  be  prepared  to  explain  the 
phenomena  of  mind,  and  must  be  in  harmony  with  the 
teaching  of  biology  about  life,  which  in  its  turn  must 
ultimately  harmonize  with  the  conclusions  of  chemistry 

1  See  Ward's  "Pure  Sociology,"  Chapter  V. 


24  SOCIOLOGY 

and  physics  in  respect  to  the  manifestations  of  cosmic 
energy.  By  contrast,  from  the  standpoint  of  a  phi- 
losophy of  the  universe,  cosmic  laws  are  logically  vastly 
more  important  than  the  activities  of  human  beings  on 
this  relatively  insignificant  planet,  so  that  to  such  a 
philosopher  the  entire  mass  of  sociological  study  might 
properly  be  relegated  to  a  foot  note  at  the  end  of  the 
chapter.  From  the  human  standpoint,  however,  the 
emphasis  is  reversed,  since  the  cosmic  is  beyond  our 
control  while  the  human  and  the  social  are  susceptible 
of  profound  modification.  Man  cannot  change  the 
solar  system  but  he  can  modify  in  fundamental  ways 
the  social  organization  with  its  activities,  and  for  that 
reason  must  understand  the  laws  of  association  so  as 
gradually  to  banish  its  handicaps  and  to  expedite  its 
progress. 

While  this  is  the  natural  arrangement  of  the  sciences 
one  should  not  assume  that  they  historically  became 

.    .      known  in   this  order,  for  simple  theorizing 
The  relative  '  r  ,° 

complexity  about  all  of  them  can  be  found  far  back  in 
oithe  the  history  of  human  thought.     The  asser- 

tion rather  is  that  the  simplest  science  with 
the  broadest  cosmic  or  universal  generalizations  comes 
first  in  natural  order,  and  that  each  subsequent  sci- 
ence is  more  complex,  its  principles  are  less  definitely 
known,  and  the  possibility  of  its  becoming  exact  is 
more  and  more  remote  as  the  end  of  the  series  is 
reached.  Yet  the  aim  of  all  scientific  study  is  to  add 
to  our  knowledge  year  by  year,  and  to  discover  new 
principles,  new  laws,  new  generalizations,  so  that,  as 
the  far  distant  goal  of  scientific  attainment,  all  knowl- 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A  SCIENCE  25 

edge  will  ultimately  be  seen  to  be  unified  and  the  series 
of  great  abstract  sciences  be  made  exact,  as  far  as  that 
is  possible  to  the  human  mind  with  its  limitations. 
This  movement  from  the  unknown  to  the  known,  is  well 
illustrated  in  traditions  of  such  early  studies  as  astron- 
omy and  chemistry.  These  were  once  astrology  and 
alchemy,  and  popularly  identified  with  magic  and 
supernatural  agencies,  for  what  is  uncomprehended  and 
mysterious  is  naturally  thought  to  be  due  to  super- 
natural power.  Similarly  many  aspects  of  biological 
and  psychological  phenomena  are,  in  common  estima- 
tion, caused  by  agencies  beyond  scientific  compre- 
hension, and  the  very  complexity  of  social  studies 
readily  develops  in  the  student  a  sort  of  religious  atti- 
tude. For,  dealing  as  sociology  does  with  profound 
moral  problems,  it  arouses  an  idealism  that  easily 
passes  into  religious  fervor.  Socialism  to  the  socialist 
is  a  sort  of  religion,  and  Comte,  in  the  last  of  his  great 
works,  actually  advocated  the  establishment  of  a  "  Re- 
ligion of  Humanity."  l 

If  the  word  science  is  to  be  used  to  cover  all  the 
branches  of  knowledge  contained  in  the  series,  obviously 
The  three  ^ne  meaning  of  that  term  is  vague.  Gen- 
aspects  of  erally  speaking,  the  word  is  used  in  three 
science.  senses:  (1)  as  a  mass  of  systematized  or 
methodized  information;  (2)  as  a  collection  of  laws, 
principles  and  generalizations  with  their  proper  ex- 
planations,  logically   reasonable,    but   not   susceptible 

1  In  his  "Systeme  de  politique  positive."  For  an  interesting 
account  of  the  English  Positivist  or  Comtean  Church,  see  Frederic 
Harrison,  "The  Confessions  of  a  Layman." 


26  SOCIOLOGY 

of  mathematical  proof;  (3)  as  an  interrelated  system 
of  generalizations  which  can  all  be  mathematically 
demonstrated.  Obviously  no  science,  not  even  mathe- 
matics, has  become  exact  in  all  of  its  aspects.  There 
is  regularly  a  border  land  and  a  terra  incognita,  where 
the  van  or  fighting  line  of  a  science  may  be  found.  Ex- 
plorers and  scouts  are  tentatively  mapping  out  the 
new  land  by  formulating  hypotheses,  speculations,  half 
truths  and  visionary  imaginations.  As  knowledge 
increases,  however,  system  and  order  appear,  the  false 
fades  away  before  truer  information  and  broad  paths 
become  known,  needing  only  the  surveyor's  chain  to 
make  them  exact.  Naturally  in  the  last  science  of 
the  series,  sociology,  exact  generalizations  are  unknown. 
There  are* many  so-called  laws  and  principles,  some  of 
which  will  undoubtedly  stand  the  test  of  time,  but  for 
the  most  part  the  army  of  sociological  students  is  busily 
engaged  in  amassing  facts,  assorting  knowledge  and 
formulating  hypotheses  to  be  verified  or  rejected  in 
the  light  of  later  knowledge. 

The  sciences  of  the  series  are  called  abstract  because 
they  deal  with  the  laws  and  principles  underlying  con- 
The  abstract crete  knowledge.  If  these  in  any  given 
and  the  science  explain  its  nature  and  the  causes  and 
concrete.  conditions  of  its  development,  they  make  up 
the  pure  science.  Assuming  a  knowledge  of  these,  if 
the  principles  for  their  application  to  concrete  phe- 
nomena are  then  worked  out,  we  have  an  applied 
science.  The  scientific  application  of  these  principles 
to  a  field  of  concrete  phenomena  would  result  in  a 
concrete  science,  and  the  application  of  the  principles 


SOCIOLOGY  AS   A   SCIENCE  27 

of  the  concrete  science  to  the  materials  and  forces 
within  its  field  would  result  in  an  art.  Arts  are  indus- 
trial or  mechanical  if  the  emphasis  is  on  utility,  and 
fine  or  cultural  if  beauty  and  harmony  are  emphasized. 
An  art  or  a  science  is  empirical  if  its  principles  depend 
on  experience  and  experiment,  not  on  scientifically 
developed  theory.  For  example,  a  knowledge  of  the 
nature  of  society,  its  development  and  the  causes  and 
conditions  of  development  would  make  up  pure  soci- 
ology. If  the  principles  for  the  scientific  application 
of  this  knowledge  to  the  concrete  phenomena  of  social 
life  should  become  known,  we  should  have  an  applied 
sociology.  If  the  laws  and  principles  of  pure  and  applied 
sociology  were  made  applicable  to  a  field  of  concrete 
phenomena  we  should  have  a  concrete  sociological 
science,  as  for  instance,  the  science  of  education.  If 
the  principles  of  this  science  are  put  into  practical  use 
we  have  the  art  of  teaching,  but  if  a  teacher's  knowl- 
edge of  the  art  and  science  of  teaching  be  based  on 
experience  and  practice  only,  his  art  of  teaching  and 
science  of  education  would  be  empirical  in  kind.  Nat- 
urally neither  a  theoretical  nor  a  practical  knowledge 
by  itself  is  complete,  but  a  judicious  combination  of 
both  is  thought  to  give  the  best  results.  Hence  in 
higher  education  practice  in  the  application  of  theory 
should  be  vigorously  emphasized,  and  in  business  and 
the  industrial  arts  an  increasing  demand  is  made  for 
persons  trained  in  a  knowledge  of  the  theoretical  prin- 
ciples underlying  these  arts.1 

1  As  an  illustration  of  such  a  study,  note  Veblen's  "The  Theory 
of  Business  Enterprise." 


28  SOCIOLOGY 

From  the  standpoint  of  sociology  it  is  desirable  that 

every   intelligent   person   of   liberal   education    should 

understand  the  broad  generalizations  of  all 

Sociological  .  .  . 

importance  the  abstract  sciences  in  the  series.  In  other 
of  scientific  WOrds,  he  should,  as  a  prerequisite  for  the 
nowe  ge.  g^U(jy  Qf  sociology,  understand  the  great 
principles  of  mathematics,  astronomy,  physics,  chem- 
istry, biology  and  psychology.  This  does  not  imply 
that  he  must  know  all  the  concrete  sciences  and  arts 
dependent  on  the  abstract  sciences.  Such  knowledge 
would  be  too  vast  for  any  one  mind.  But  the  prin- 
ciples and  laws  of  the  abstract  sciences  are  compara- 
tively few  and  simple  of  comprehension.  They  are 
related,  filiated  and  grow  naturally  one  from  another. 
Such  knowledge  in  the  mind  would  approximate  to 
the  unity  of  knowledge  and  would  enable  the  person 
to  "see  things  in  their  relations,"  and  thus  to  avoid 
the  tendency  to  over-emphasize  one  aspect  of  knowl- 
edge to  the  neglect  of  others.  A  specialist  in  any  one 
branch,  ignorant  of  the  others,  tends  to  become  narrow 
and  often  fails  to  understand  his  own  specialty  because 
of  his  inability  to  comprehend  its  proper  place  in  the 
larger  scheme  of  knowledge.  This  understanding  of 
the  generalizations  of  science  must  in  time  become 
part  of  common  knowledge  as  a  necessary  basis  for  an 
intelligent  comprehension  of  the  larger  questions  of 
social  importance.  In  any  case,  a  person  who  desires 
to  become  proficient  in  some  one  science  of  the  series, 
should  at  all  events  become  familiar  with  the  funda- 
mental teachings  of  the  science  or  sciences  immediately 
preceding  his   preference.     Thus  a   knowledge  of   the 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A   SCIENCE  29 

principles  of  psychology,  and  to  some  extent,  of  biology, 
becomes  well-nigh  essential  to  a  proper  knowledge  of 
sociology,  just  as  the  psychologist  should  comprehend 
the  teachings  of  biology,  as  far  as  it  concerns  the  ner- 
vous system  at  least,  and  the  biologist  should  compre- 
hend the  chemistry  of  biological  structure. 

Sociology  being  the  last  science  in  the  series  is  nat- 
urally obliged  to  rely  on  the  other  sciences  for  its 
fundamental  principles,  since  these  should  be 
data°l0glCal  tne  same  m  a^  sciences,  but  with  differentia- 
tions in  application.  One  reason,  therefore, 
why  sociology  is  still  in  a  formative  stage  is  that  its 
basal  sciences,  biology  and  psychology,  are  themselves 
comparatively  new  and  are  just  becoming  scientific. 
They,  however,  already  supply  principles  that  tenta- 
tively at  least  may  be  applied  in  the  sociological  field 
as  the  basis  for  investigation  and  speculation.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  fact,  many  concrete  sociological  sciences 
are  forming,  each  collecting  facts,  systematizing  them, 
working  out  laws  and  principles,  and  accumulating 
information  that  the  general  sociologist  will  try  to 
coordinate,  and  to  harmonize  if  possible  with  the  prin- 
ciples supplied  by  the  basal  sciences.  These  subor- 
dinate social  sciences  coupled  with  appropriate  infor- 
mation obtained  from  the  other  abstract  sciences  of 
the  series,  furnish  the  data  needed  for  sociological 
study. 

The  place  of  sociology  in  the  scheme  of  knowledge 
may  possibly  be  better  understood  if  attention  is 
called  to  the  bearing  of  the  related  sciences  on  human 
existence  and  development.     From  a  study  of  the  first 


30  SOCIOLOGY 

three  sciences  in  the  series,  one  may  acquire  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  evolution  of  the  universe  from  gaseous  con- 
ditions to  stellar  systems.     Through  physics 

Relation  of  J  ft 

sociology  to  and    chemistry  man   seeks   to    account   tor 
the  other      the  process  of  creation  that  finally  evolved 

sciences  ' 

the  insignificant  sphere  on  which  he  lives. 
Geology  as  a  subscience  of  astronomy  shows  in  detail 
how  the  earth  was  made  habitable  for  living  organ- 
isms, discovering  from  fossilized  remains  in  the  earth's 
strata  the  historical  order  of  the  various  flora  and 
fauna.  Biology  through  its  two  great  branches,  botany 
and  zoology,  shows  the  order  of  the  evolution  of 
life,  and  starting  from  the  protoplasmic  cell  studies 
the  nature,  function  and  structure  of  vegetative  and 
animal  organisms.  Among  the  concrete  sciences  de- 
pendent on  biology  some  are  sociologically  important. 
Human  physiology,  for  example,  studies  man's  physical 
functions  and  structure;  physical  anthropology  has  to 
do  with  the  organic  and  functional  variations  among 
human  groups;  ethnology  studies  the  division  of  man- 
kind into  races,  and  ethnography  describes  them. 
Archeology  is  concerned  with  the  existent  remains  of 
man's  early  civilization,  and  philology,  with  the  origin 
of  speech  and  language. 

These  closely  related  concrete  sciences  are  com- 
parative in  their  nature,  and  supply  basal  information 
for  the  abstract  sciences  of  psychology  and  sociology, 
the  one  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  phenomena  of  the 
mind  and  the  other    to  the    study  of  the    laws  and 

1  For  a  more  complete  study  of  the  relation  of  sociology  to  other 
sciences,  see  Ward's  "Outlines  of  Sociology,"  Part  I. 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A  SCIENCE  31 

principles  underlying  human  association.  Psychology 
seeks  to  explain  the  nature  of  the  mind,  its  development, 
its  processes  and  its  activities  or  functions.  In  its 
older  form  it  tended  to  confine  its  attention  to  knowl- 
edge gained  by  introspection,  but  now  takes  into  account 
knowledge  gained  by  external  observation  and  by  a 
study  of  mind  as  affected  by  social  relationships.  So 
far  as  it  studies  the  "social  mind"  and  its  influence 
on  the  individual  the  boundary  line  between  the  two 
sciences  becomes  vague.  Sociologists,  for  instance, 
observe  that  individual  minds  when  subject  to  group 
influences  are  distinctly  modified  by  them.  As  theo- 
retically no  two  minds  are  quite  alike  there  should  be 
many  variations  in  temperament  and  belief.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  individual  differences  under  social 
pressure  are  smoothed  out,  and  group  opinions  and 
beliefs  take  their  place.  The  study  of  such  modifica- 
tions is  properly  sociological  since  it  concerns  a  branch 
of  phenomena  in  human  association,  and  to  the  study 
the  name  sociological,1  or  social,  psychology  is  given. 
Yet  as  no  psychologist  can  properly  explain  the  activi- 
ties of  the  mind  without  recourse  to  such  explanations, 
there  is  a  psycho-sociological  study  as  well.  It  goes 
without  saying,  however,  that  for  many  years  to  come 
the  border  lands  of  closely  related  sciences  will  have 
a  debatable  boundary  line  the  demarcation  of  which 
will  gradually  be  settled  by  the  agreement  of  later 
scientists.  The  essential  thing  is  that  the  debatable 
land  be  known  and  occupied.     Probably  the  science 

1  As  the  term  social  psychology  is  now  commonly  in  use,  the 
longer  but  better  term  will  not  hereafter  be  used  in  this  connection. 


32  SOCIOLOGY 

that  first  develops  the  disputed  territory  will  be 
adjudged  to  be  its  possessor.  For  present  purposes 
it  will  be  sufficient  to  say  that  one  may  study  psy- 
chical phenomena  (1)  as  purely  individualistic,  or  (2) 
as  the  phenomena  of  the  group  mind,  or  (3)  as  the 
individual  mind  affected  by  the  group,  or  (4)  as  the 
group  mind  affected  by  the  individual.  These  last 
three  classes  of  phenomena  cover  the  psychological  in- 
formation needed  for  a  proper  understanding  of  social 
psychology,  and  will  be  explained  more  fully  in  Chap- 
ter IV. 

As  one  may  speak  of  a  social  psychology,  so  like- 
wise it  would  be  theoretically  possible  to  work  out  a 
social  biology,  a  social  chemistry,  a  social  physics  and 
a  social  astronomy.  Such  studies  would  show  how 
man  through  association  has  consciously  or  uncon- 
sciously modified  the  structure  and  function  of  vege- 
table, animal  and  human  life;  how  he  has  introduced 
into  the  universe  the  series  of  human  chemical  crea- 
tions; how  he  has  modified  cosmic  energy  by  using  it  as 
power,  heat  or  light  at  will ;  and  how  he  has  changed  to 
some  extent  terrestrial  conditions  by  scientific  knowledge 
and  invention.  These  researches  would  be  interesting 
and  important,  and  they  indicate  the  wide  field  open- 
ing up  to  the  sociologist  as  scientific  knowledge  of  all 
sorts  becomes  systematized  and  available. 

In  addition  to  knowledge  supplied  by  the  other 
sciences  in  the  series  sociology  has  to  rely  on  the  spe- 
cial social  sciences  for  the  mass  of  its  data.  This 
relationship  is  often  confused  and  needs  to  be  clearly 
understood.     If  sociology  belongs  in   the    series  with 


SOCIOLOGY  AS   A  SCIENCE  33 

the  other  sciences  it  must  be  an  abstract  science, 
differentiated  so  as  to  emphasize  the  laws  and  princi- 
The  special  I''os  undcl"lymg  social  phenomena,  both  in 
social  their  pure  and  in  their  applied  form.     These 

sciences.       jawg  ancj  prmcip]eS)  as  already  indicated,  are 

partly  supplied  from  the  sciences  preceding  it  in  the 
series,  and  partly  from  the  study  of  the  various  forms 
of  group  association.  The  laws  and  principles  obtained 
from  these  specialized  studies  of  separate  departments 
of  social  phenomena,  when  brought  into  relationship 
with  the  generalizations  of  the  preceding  abstract 
sciences,  form  the  science  of  sociology.  Some  of  these 
departments  are  in  themselves  so  broad  in  the  extent 
of  their  social  interests  that  their  students  have  been 
tempted  to  identify  them  with  sociology  proper.  Poli- 
tics, as  presented  by  Greek  philosophers,  was  practi- 
cally an  ancient  theory  of  sociology;1  ethics  and  eco- 
nomics in  their  broader  aspects  both  threaten  at  times 
to  usurp  the  province  of  sociology.  The  mere  name  of 
the  science,  however,  is  immaterial;  that  study  is 
sociology  which  works  out  scientifically  and  completely 
the  laws  and  principles  of  human  association,  no  matter 
by  what  name  it  may  be  called. 

On  the  other  hand  all  that  calls  itself  sociology  is 
not  necessarily  sociology.  Thus  such  familiar  terms 
as  descriptive  sociology,  practical  sociology,  Christian 
sociology,  criminal  sociology,  are  incorrectly  used. 
They  merely  designate  descriptions  of  racial  and  social 
conditions  and  explanations  of  social  reforms.  Even 
though  such  studies  are  sociological  in  aim  they  are 

lE.  g.  Plato's  "Republic"  or  Aristotle's  "Politics." 


34  SOCIOLOGY 

properly  concrete  social  sciences  or  practical  applica- 
tions of  these  to  social  conditions,  and  each  covers 
only  a  ver}'  small  part  of  the  entire  field  devoted  to 
social  phenomena.  These  special  concrete  social  sci- 
ences with  their  applications  to  social  conditions 
separately  work  out  their  conclusions,  basing  them  on 
a  study  of  the  specialized  phenomena  within  their 
respective  spheres.  Relating  these  conclusions  to  one 
another  and  to  the  great  generalizations  of  the  serial 
sciences  is  the  work  of  the  sociologist  proper  and  can 
only  be  completely  done  after  social  phenomena  have 
been  studied  by  the  subsciences  of  sociology.  If  one 
looks,  therefore,  at  the  world  of  social  phenomena, 
the  picture  presented  to  the  mind  is  of  many  persons 
each  working  out  his  specialty  and  each  elaborating 
conclusions  from  his  studies:  in  ethnology,  in  arche- 
ology, in  social  psychology,  in  economics,  jurispru- 
dence, ethics,  education,  religion  and  domestic  rela- 
tions, in  crime,  vice,  pauperism  and  a  thousand  other 
specialized  branches  of  societal  knowledge. 

This  sort  of  thing  might  be  done  for  centuries  and 

there  would  still  be  no  great  serial  science  of  sociology. 

But   when   scientific    philosophers    arise,    as 

of  sociology  did  Comte  and  Spencer,  who  try  to  relate 

in  process     these  disconnected  researches  on  the  hypoth- 

of  formation.  ,i     ,  i     i    •  n    i  •    •• 

esis  that  underlying  all  human  association 
there  ought  to  be  common  principles  in  harmony 
with  cosmic  laws,  from  that  time  sociology  is  in 
process  of  formation.  The  beginnings  of  the  science 
may  be  weak  and  often  illogical,  even  viciously  defect- 
ive from  lack  of  proper  basal  knowledge,  but  the  same 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A  SCIENCE  35 

statement  would  be  true  of  any  other  science  in  its 
beginnings,  only  more  true,  doubtless,  of  sociology 
because  it  is  the  most  complex  science  of  the  series. 
Since,  however,  a  knowledge  of  the  science  of  sociology 
is  fundamental  to  any  wise  policy  of  social  progress, 
one  must  hope  that  the  errors  will  be  shed  as  soon  as 
possible,  gaps  in  knowledge  bridged  over  by  study, 
and  a  fairly  accurate  body  of  principles  worked  out, 
so  as  to  enable  mankind  to  accelerate  its  upward  march 
toward  the  far-distant  goal  of  social  evolution.  If  this 
point  is  well  taken,  one  may  admit  that  sociology 
hardly  deserves  yet  to  be  called  a  science,  that  its 
theorists  make  many  blunders  and  enunciate  occa- 
sional absurdities,  and  yet  at  the  same  time  he  may 
argue  that  it  is  the  science  par  excellence  and  will  some 
day  furnish  the  key  to  the  door  which  bars  our  way 
to  the  full  light  of  knowledge. 

With  this  explanation  in  mind  it  becomes  possible  to 
see  more  clearly  the  relation  of  sociology  to  certain 
The  relation  °ther  studies  closely  allied  through  common 
of  sociology  interests.  Philosophy,  for  example,  a  term 
to  philosophy.  ^^  jn  -j.g  numerous  ancj  conflicting  mean- 
ings covers  a  whole  series  of  studies,  may  loosely  be 
defined  from  three  points  of  view:  (1)  If  that  be  con- 
sidered philosophy  which  uses  the  scientific  method  of 
induction  and  bases  itself  entirely  upon  verifiable  gen- 
eralizations, philosophy  may  be  defined  as  an  attempt  to 
synthesize  scientific  knowledge  by  becoming  a  science  of 
sciences.  (2)  If  philosophy  be  considered  as  concerned 
chiefly  with  the  general  contents  and  forms  of  knowledge, 
it  would   properly  be  included  within   the  science  of 


/ 


36  SOCIOLOGY 

psychology,  as  the  study  of  abstract  laws  and  principles 
underlying  thought  and  the  acquisition  of  knowledge. 
Psychology,  commonly  so  called,  is  of  course  a  concrete 
science  dependent  upon  the  abstract  psychological 
group.  (3)  If  philosophy  be  considered  as  dealing  with 
volitions  and  actions,  either  between  man  and  man  or 
between  men  and  a  personified  divinity  or  divinities,  it 
may  be  defined  as  ethics.  Ethics  to-day  is  rapidly 
losing  its  a  priori  basis  and  is  becoming  a  subscience 
that  should  primarily  be  ranked  under  the  sociological 
group,  and  secondarily  under  psychology.  Now  soci- 
ology, as  the  last  science  in  the  Comtean  series,  may 
well  philosophize  to  some  extent  in  the  first  sense  of 
that  word  as  defined  above,  but  would  have  no  direct 
concern  with  philosophy  in  the  second  sense,  whereas  in 
respect  to  ethics  it  may  rightly  assert  a  deep  interest,  so 
far  as  ethics  deals  with  human  conduct  and  its  standards.  * 
In  a  similar  manner  the  relation  existing  between 
sociology  and  religion  may  be  indicated.  Religion  as 
Th  relation  a  study  emphasizing  certain  teachings  in 
of  sociology  respect  to  divinity  and  human  immortality 
to  religion.  ^g  pjam}y  a  philosophy  which  according  to 
the  Comtean  theory  should  harmonize  with  scientific 
knowledge,  or  at  least  should  not  be  antagonistic 
to  it.  So  far  as  religion  is  a  philosophy,  sociology 
is  only  indirectly  concerned  with  it.  In  so  far,  how- 
ever, as  religion  establishes  social  institutions,  such  as 
the  church  or  the  priesthood,  for  the  perpetuation  and 

1  See  on  this  topic  J.  S.  Mackenzie,  "  Introduction  to  Social  Phi- 
losophy," especially  Chapter  I.  And  for  definitions  of  philosophy, 
Oswald  Kiilpe,  "Introduction  to  Philosophy." 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A  SCIENCE  37 

the  enlargement  of  religious  influence,  and  in  so  far  as 
it  teaches  through  these  a  code  of  morals,  sociology  has 
a  direct  concern  and  may  well  study  religious  institu- 
tion's and  religious  ethics  by  the  same  methods  it  employ? 
in  the  study  of  other  institutions,  such  as  the  family  or 
the  state.1 

It  has  already  been  argued  that  from  a  scientific 
point  of  view  human  knowledge  is  only  relatively  ascer- 
tainable and  hence  can  be  only  relatively  true.  If 
each  science  depends  on  others  for  much  of  its  data 
and  on  an  imperfect  mental  mechanism  for  its  elucida- 
tion, no  knowledge  is  absolutely  true.  The  aim  of 
science  is  to  ascertain  the  exact  truth,  but  the  con- 
summation of  this  lies  far  in  the  future.  The  best 
approximation  to  this  is  seen  when  the  scientist,  through 
his  knowledge,  becomes  able  to  prophesy.  In  many 
directions  at  the  present  time  scientists  can  foretell 
results  as,  e.  g.  in  the  fields  of  astronomy,  physics,  chem- 
istry and  biology,  and  the  hope  of  science  is  that  in 
ages  to  come  knowledge  will  become  so  exact  that  man 
by  his  understanding  of  the  laws  of  nature  can  with  a 
fair  degree  of  accuracy  direct  his  activities  so  as  to 
attain  a  desired  goal. 

The  question  arises  whether  in  sociology,  the  newest 
of  the  sciences,  this  same  power  of  "prevision,"2  as 
Comte  called  it,  is  possible.  The  answer  is  decidedy 
becoming   affirmative.     Sociologists    now    assert    with 

1  For  further  statements  on  this  topic,  see  Chapter  VII. 

2  "All  science  has  prevision  for  its  aim,"  i.  e.  the  capacity  to  form 
right  conclusions  through  an  insight  based  on  scientific  deductions. 

For  a  brief  discussion  of  this  term,  see  Levy-Bruhl,  pp.  66-70. 


38  SOCIOLOGY 

increasing  emphasis  that  the  time   is  not  far  distant 

when  the  fundamental  laws  and  principles  underlying 

social   activity   will   be   so  well  understood 

.  .  that  civilization  will  begin  to  exterminate  the 

prevision.  t  ° 

great  handicaps  to  progress,  such  as  crime, 
pauperism,  intoxication  and  sexual  vice,  and  to  build 
up  with  scientific  precision  a  social  order  that  will 
bring  vigor  and  happiness  to  mankind.  It  is  essential, 
however,  to  remember  that  this  consummation  will 
probably  not  be  effected  by  adopting  any  of  the  Utopias 
or  social  panaceas  now  so  numerous,  but  by  slow  and 
methodical  study  of  the  facts  of  social  life,  a  scientific 
elaboration  of  the  truths  contained  in  these,  and  the 
harmonization  of  sociological  teaching  with  the  great 
generalizations  that  underlie  all  science.  "United  we 
stand,  divided  we  fall"  is  as  true  of  the  sciences  as  of 
the  commonwealths  of  a  federation.  The  true  scien- 
tist must  cooperate  with  his  fellows,  be  modest  in  his 
conclusions,  refrain  from  dogmatism,  and  must  hold 
as  his  article  of  faith  the  belief  that  the  unknown  may 
yet  become  known  to  the  patient  student  who  sits  at 
the  feet  of  nature  and  seeks  to  understand  her  mys- 
teries. At  the  same  time  it  should  be  said  that  Utopias 
have  an  important  place  in  sociological  theorizing. 
They  voice  the  intuitive  anticipations  of  thinkers  who 
may  not  be  able  to  explain  the  steps  leading  to  their 
conclusions,  but  yet  see  with  a  sort  of  prophetic  vision 
the  trend  of  civilization.  They  should  be  taken  at 
their  face  value,  their  details  ignored,  and  their  gen- 
eral ideas  considered  as  hypotheses  setting  forth  a 
theory  of  human  progress.     Some  Utopias,  like  those 


SOCIOLOGY   AS   A   SCIENCE  39 

of  Plato,  Sir  Thomas  More  and  Edward  Bellamy,  have 
been  decidedly  stimulating  to  the  social  imagination. 

Sociology,  it  may  be  said  in  conclusion  of  this  chap- 
ter, tends  to  be  anthropocentric.  That  is,  it  seeks  to 
Social  utility  interpret  all  scientific  knowledge,  as  already 
the  aim  of  explained,1  into  terms  of  utility  to  man. 
socio  ogy.  Theoretically  knowledge  may  be  acquired  for 
its  own  sake,  out  of  the  desire  merely  to  add  to  the 
world's  store  and  without  thought  of  any  practical 
application.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  even  in 
the  mind  of  such  a  student  there  is  the  unconscious 
hope  that  at  some  time  the  results  of  his  researches' 
may  prove  beneficial  to  mankind.  Sociology  with  its 
keen  desire  to  accelerate  the  progress  of  humanity 
favors,  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word,  a  utilitarianism 
that  seeks  always  for  a  practical  application  of  any 
new  scientific  discovery.  In  consequence,  it  favors 
stimuli  in  the  form  of  honors  and  rewards  in  invention 
and  science,  it  approves  the  scientific  experimental 
activities  of  governmental  and  private  enterprise,  and 
encourages  in  every  possible  way  the  development  of 
concrete  sciences  and  arts  involving  activities  of  social 
importance.  Its  trend  is  away  from  the  simple  life, 
monastic  retirement  or  a  selfish  individualism.  It 
emphasizes  cooperative  activity,  social  altruism,  a 
complex  yet  unified  social  organization,  and  the  neces- 
sity of  achievement  for  the  sake  of  human  welfare. 
In  so  doing  it  is  deeply  interested,  for  instance,  in  the 
application  of  astronomical  truths  to  navigation,  or  in 
the  teachings  of  physicists  in  respect  to  the  utilization 

1  Page  23. 


sT 


40  SOCIOLOGY 

of  natural  power,  of  chemical  knowledge  in  respect  to 
foods,  metals  and  the  industries  generally,  of  biological 
principles  of  utility  in  developing  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  vegetable  and  animal  foods,  and  of  psycho- 
logical information  that  may  throw  light  on  the  poten- 
tial capacities  of  the  mind  when  rightly  trained.  From 
its  subsciences  sociology  hopes  to  understand  the 
true  principles  of  economic  effort,  the  proper  organi- 
zation and  functions  of  government,  the  wisest  meth- 
ods in  regulation  of  domestic  relationships,  the  scien- 
tific principles  underlying  law,  morality  and  public 
opinion,  and  the  relative  social  importance  of  the 
religious,  the  esthetic  and  the  intellectual. 

Sociology,  therefore,  has  a  distinctly  practical  aim. 
Basing  itself  firmly  on  science  and  scientific  methods, 
abjuring  unverifiable  teachings  as  unscientific,  it  seeks 
to  bring  order  into  the  chaos  of  social  activities,  and 
through  the  unification  of  sociological  knowledge  to 
guide  mankind  toward  the  ideal  of  an  increasingly 
progressive  civilization.  In  this  newer  era  the  evils 
of  social  life  will  slowly  give  place  to  a  more  just  system 
of  social  organization,  in  which  men  will  deliberately 
and  methodically  work  toward  an  ethical  goal  in  which 
the  cultural  capacities  of  the  human  race  will  have 
full  opportunity  for  development. 


CHAPTER  II 

EARLY   SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT 

At  the  outset  of  sociological  study  it  is  well  to 
understand  the  nature  and  importance  of  the  numerous 
branches  of  the  science,  so  far  at  least  as  they  have 
bearing  on  important  social  problems.  These  divisions 
will  be  presented  briefly,  and  then  in  Part  II  some 
present  social  questions  will  be  studied,  using  as 
a  basis  the  terms  and  statements  of  these  earlier 
chapters. 

As  the  social  group  is  the  center  of  sociological  dis- 
cussion it  is  important  at  the  start  to  form  a  clear  idea 
Society  or  °^  ^  an(^  ^s  historical  development,  noting 
the  social  its  gradual  change  from  a  simple  band  of 
group"  savages   to   the   highly   complex   society  of 

closely  related  institutions  so  common  to  our  thought 
in  these  days.  The  term  society,  like  so  many  general 
words,  has  no  exact  meaning.  It  is,  however,  regu- 
larly used  in  sociology  to  denote  a  human  group  held 
together  by  common  elements  and  interests.  One  may 
therefore  apply  the  name  to  humanity,  or  to  a  type  of 
civilization  such  as  western,  oriental  or  patriarchal,  or 
to  a  national  group,  or  to  a  comparatively  small  group 
of  individuals  bound  by  such  ties  as  those  of  kinship. 
Evidently  by  definition,  the  words  society  and  social 

41 


42  SOCIOLOGY 

group  may  be  considered  as  synonyms  and  used  indif- 
ferently. 

While   many   of   the   conclusions   of  ethnology   and 
anthropology  are  merely   hypotheses  (because   knowl- 
edge  based   chiefly   on   remnants  and   sur- 
Pnmitive      vivals    of    earliest    human     civilization    is 

man. 

meager  and  is  likely  to  remain  so),  it  is  never- 
theless to  these  sciences  that  we  must  turn  for  infor- 
mation in  respect  to  the  origin  of  man  and  the  condi- 
tions of  his  primitive  life.  From  these  conclusions  it 
is,  however,  fairly  reasonable  to  hold  1  that  man  evolved 
from  animal  forms  and  for  many  ages  remained  to  all  in- 
tents and  purposes  an  animal.  In  this  part  of  his  history 
he  made  no  tools  nor  implements  of  any  sort,  nor  had 
he  mastered  the  art  of  fire-building.  Like  an  animal 
he  left  at  death  nothing  behind  him  but  his  bones,  and 
except  by  some  rare  chance  even  these  in  process  of 
time  crumbled  into  dust.  Consequently  we  begin  to 
know  man  historically  only  when  he  had  begun  to 
make  tools  and  weapons,  to  use  fire  and  to  dwell  in 
settled  habitations  such  as  the  caves  of  western  Europe 
or  the  lake  dwellings  of  Switzerland.  For  the  charred 
bones  of  animals,  used  as  food,  and  the  implements 
found  in  the  debris  left  by  these  hordes  of  human  beings 
give  hints  of  their  attainments  in  invention  and  civili- 
zation. From  that  time  on  the  development  of  man 
can  rudely  be  traced,  not  as  the  history  of  the  rise  and 

1  For  short  studies  of  this  sort,  see  in  Temple  Primer  Series: 
"Primitive  Man,"  by  Moriz  Hoernes,  and  "Ethnology,"  by  Michael 
Haberlandt.  In  each  of  these  may  be  found  a  brief  bibliography. 
See  also  Lubbock's  " Pre-Historic  Times." 


EARLY  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT  43 

fall  of  states,  but  as  the  record  of  man's  achievements, 
as  he  perfected  his  tools  and  weapons,  developed  an 
esthetic  sense  and  rude  theories  of  morals  and  religion. 
At  the  present  time  here  and  there  in  secluded  or  inhos- 
pitable parts  of  the  earth  may  still  be  found  simple 
races  that  doubtless  reproduce  with  a  fair  degree  of 
accuracy  the  earliest  civilization  of  man.  In  some  cases 
undoubtedly  these  races  represent  a  retrogression  from 
a  higher  civilization.  Beaten  in  warfare  and  fleeing 
from  their  conquerors,  they  settled  in  bleak  and  sterile 
lands  desired  by  no  other  human  beings.  Thus  lacking 
incentives  to  progress  they  sank  back  in  the  scale  of 
civilization. 

Other  races  again,  like  the  blacks  of  Australia,1  repre- 
sent early  man  after  a  seclusion  of  many  thousand 
years,   cut  off  from  intercourse  with  other 

Primitive  %    ,       .c      .       ,,     .      \  • 

groups  races,  and  typily  in  their  hoary  yet  primi- 

tive civilization  the  maximum  of  attainment 
possible  to  a  group  when  out  of  contact  with  vigorous 
and  aggressive  fighting  stock.  Traditions  of  early 
civilization  are  common  among  all  prominent  races, 
and  are  familiar  to  us  through  Semitic  and  Aryan 
legends  and  through  the  story  and  verse  of  the  classical 
writers  of  Greece  and  Rome.  It  was  the  Eden  of 
Genesis,  the  Golden  Age  of  Ovid  and  the  simple  life 
of  early  times  that  Greek  and  Latin  philosophers  finally 
evolved  into  the  famous  theory  of  the  primitive  state 
of  nature.  In  this  condition,  so  the  philosophers  said, 
men  lived  happy,  peaceful  lives  doing  justice  one  to 

1  See  Spencer  and  Gillen,  "The  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Aus- 
tralia." 


44  SOCIOLOGY 

another,  living  on  the  natural  fruits  of  the  earth,  and 
fearing  neither  the  gods  nor  wild  beasts  nor  one 
another.1 

However  attractive  these  pleasing  fancies  were  far 
down  through  the  eighteenth  century,  when  the  French 
The  begin-  encyclopedists  and  Rousseau  2  so  emphasized 
nings  of  nature  and  natural  conditions,  to-day  some 
civi  zation.  Q^  ^le  glamour  has  faded  from  those  bright 
pictures  of  primitive  man,  and  we  see  him  through 
anthropological  researches  more  nearly  as  he  was  in 
those  early  days,  a  human  being  to  be  sure,  but 
not  sharply  differentiated  from  his  animal  ancestry 
and  subject  to  the  conditions  of  that  precarious  life. 
He  lived  in  the  midst  of  dangerous  animal  competitors 
who  loved  the  taste  of  human  flesh;  his  half-starved 
body  shivered  in  the  cold  rains  and  blasts  of  the  winter 
or  lay  gorged  and  enervated  by  the  riotous  plenty  and 
heat  of  the  summer.  His  awakening  intellect  was 
multiplying  his  enemies  by  surrounding  him  with 
supernatural  beings,  malevolent  and  hostile.  He  lacked 
the  speed,  agility  and  muscular  strength  of  his  animal 
rivals,  and  yet  was  compelled  to  seek  his  safety  on  the 
earth's  surface  instead  of  among  the  trees  where  he 
would  have  enjoyed  comparative  immunity  from  attack 
by  animals  inexpert  in  climbing.  Yet  the  very  strenu- 
ousness  of  these  conditions  gave  him  the  environment 
that  stimulated  the  development  of  mentality  and  finally 

iSee,  for  example,  Plato's  "Republic/'  Book  II,  Sees.  369-376, 
and  his  "Laws,"  Book  III,  Sees.  676-684. 

2  See  John  Morley,  "Diderot,"  and  Rousseau,  "Discours  sur 
Tinegalite'  des  conditions." 


EARLY  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT  45 

gave  him  supremacy  among  all  the  beasts  of  the  field. 
Unquestionably  the  harsh  competitive  conditions  of  his 
life  developed  in  man  a  mental  shrewdness  that  in 
process  of  time  sharply  differentiated  him  from  other 
animals.  Just  how  this  took  place  can  best  be  seen  in 
the  statements  of  ethnology  and  anthropology,1  but  we 
know  that  as  man  assumed  an  erect  position  and  devel- 
oped a  flexible  hand,  he  slowly  acquired  the  use  of 
tools,  probably  beginning  with  a  stone  in  the  hand  or 
a  branch  used  as  a  club,  and  from  these  slight  begin- 
nings gradually  added  to  his  stock  of  implements  and 
weapons,  devised  ornamentation,  clothing  and  housing, 
and  began  to  utilize  empirically  the  most  obvious 
powers  of  nature,  such  as  the  force  of  gravitation, 
flowing  water,  fire  and  the  propelling  energy  of 
wind. 

Men  were  in  the  beginning  slightly  gregarious  but 
not  much  inclined  to  mass  in  large  numbers.  When 
Man  non-  men  nve  by  hunting  and  on  natural  foods, 
social  by  the  land  can  support  only  a  scant  popula- 
tion. Primitive  man  knew  no  kin  save  the 
natural  connection  between  mother  and  immature 
child;  and  though  he  must  have  recognize  1  his  kind 
as  distinct  from  other  forms  of  animal  life,  yet  it 
would  be  more  natural  to  be  on  guard  in  the  pres- 
ence of  such  companionship,  rather  than  to  assume 
the  existence  of  friendly  feelings  and  altruistic  interests. 
Even  yet  men  often  prefer  to  be  alone  or  to  live  apart 
from  human  kind.  The  crowd  is  "maddening"  to 
many,  and  while  a  social  disposition  is  best  cultivated 

■  l  See,  for  example,  Letourneau,  "Sociology  Based  on  Ethnology." 


46  SOCIOLOGY 

in  companionship,  individualism  of  an  intellectual  sort 
demands  at  intervals  the  desert,  the  wilderness  or  the 
mountain  top. 

The  change  to  a  definite  and  fairly  permanent  group 

life  probably  came  about  through  intellectual  growth. 

Individuals  surrounded  by  enemies  and  eking 

Permanent        ^  an  jnsufficient  and  precarious  livelihood, 

group  life.  l 

slowly  began  to  perceive  the  real  utility  of 
living  in  a  group,  first  as  a  hunting  band  in  the  hunting 
season,  and  then  permanently  as  a  war  band  organized 
for  offense  and  defense.  Whenever  such  a  primitive 
horde  became  fairly  permanent,  so  that  a  race  through 
its  descendants  held  together  for  generations,  from 
that  time  civilization  may  be  said  to  have  definitely 
started,  and  a  stable  condition  secured  as  a  basis  for 
future  progress.  The  reason  for  this  is  obvious  on  a 
moment's  reflection.  When  human  beings  become 
permanently  associated,  their  habits  and  customs  by 
social  imitation  become  similar,  kinship  ties  become 
clearer,  and  the  family  becomes  a  fixed  institution; 
knowledge  of  implements  also  and  inventive  notions 
of  all  sorts  become  common  property,  prohibitions 
on  and  i?gulations  of  individual  activity  become 
possible  and  then  follows  the  conviction  that  some 
authority  must  enforce  these.  Especially  in  war 
did  it  become  necessary  to  emphasize  supremacy, 
subordination  and  obedience  to  command,  even  though 
group  safety  had  to  be  purchased  at  the  risk  of 
life  or  limb  to  the  individual.  At  the  same  time 
war  placed  a  premium  on  skill  in  battle,  on  effective 
organization   and   on   the   invention   of   new  weapons 


EARLY  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT  47 

for  offense  and  defense.1  In  group  life,  also,  men 
in  conversation  exchanged  more  easily  their  rude 
imaginations  in  respect  to  the  supernatural  agencies 
by  which  they  were  surrounded,  and  in  their  fear  they 
listened  eagerly  to  the  experience  of  those  who  had  by 
chance  or  reflection  learned  how  to  propitiate  these 
awful  beings.  Most  important  of  all,  by  frequent  con- 
tact with  one  another  they  began  to  acquire  some 
facility  in  language,  to  accustom  their  vocal  organs  to 
the  reproduction  of  sound,  to  extend  their  vocabu- 
laries, and  by  means  of  words  to  enlarge  their  stock 
of  ideas.  We  see  then  that  from  the  time  when  men 
definitely  began  to  combine  in  hordes  for  safety's  sake, 
there  developed  an  organization  that  slowly  and  uncon- 
sciously began  to  evolve  the  great  permanent  institu- 
tions of  social  life:  language,  the  family,  religion,  the 
state,  law,  order  and  race  altruism,  or  patriotism.  Such 
a  horde-group  is  the  unit  of  society  and  the  starting 
point  for  studies  of  social  development. 

We  are  not  to  assume  that  these  permanent  hordes 
developed   early   in   human   history.     Presumably   for 

many  centuries  bodies  of  savages,  held 
SSitions.    together    by    temporary    ties,    roamed    the 

country,  relying  on  their  weapons  for  sup- 
port, following  the  game,  seeking  fertile  spots  where 
nature  spontaneously  supplied  natural  fruits  and  edible 
vegetation,  and  developing  in  their  blood  a  Wanderlust 
that  still  carries  peoples  and  individuals  far  away  from 
their  accustomed  habitats,  in  search  of  some  El  Dorado 

1  For    an    interesting  study  of  early  weapons,  see  Pitt-Rivers, 
"Evolution  of  Culture." 


48  SOCIOLOGY 

or  a  land  of  Utopia  lying  toward  the  setting  sun.1  Had 
these  nomadic  conditions  remained  permanent,  advanced 
civilization  would  not  have  been  possible;*  like  lowly 
savages  of  secluded  parts  of  the  earth  all  mankind 
might  have  remained  indefinitely  a  child-like  race, 
living  from  hand  to  mouth,  fixed  in  low  mentality,  and 
placing  a  tabu  on  all  progressive  tendencies.  As  a 
rule,  animal  life  in  any  given  area  is  kept  within  bounds 
by  starvation  and  mutual  slaughter,  the  natural  means 
whereby  the  amount  of  life  is  adjusted  to  the  food 
supply.  Human  kind  in  its  beginnings  doubtless  mul- 
tiplied slowly  because  of  this  principle,  so  clearly 
explained  by  Mai  thus.2  But  when  primitive  man  by 
means  of  weapons  obtained  his  food  supplies  with 
greater  facility,  and  relying  on  his  skill  wandered  far 
and  wide  over  the  face  of  the  earth,  mankind  must  have 
multiplied  with  wonderful  rapidity.  Yet,  after  cen- 
turies of  increase  the  old  trouble  became  manifest: 
population  was  multiplying  faster  than  nature  spon- 
taneously furnished  food,  and  a  change  of  some 
sort  became  inevitable.  Doubtless  at  this  time  began 
what  later  became  the  solution  of  the  question,  at 
least  for  many  ages,  namely,  the  knowledge  of  agri- 
culture and  of  the  domestication  of  animals.  But  the 
beginnings  of  these  were  slow  and  difficult,  and  the 
advantage  to  be  derived  from  them  not  immediately 
perceived.    Before  they  had  attained  any  prominence, 

1  For  an  excellent  illustration  of  this  spirit,  see  a  fascinating 
account  of  Raleigh's  voyage  to  New  Guinea,  "Newes  of  Sir  Walter 
Rauleigh,"  1618,  London,  probably  written  by  Raleigh  himself. 

"T.  R.  Malthus,  "The  Principle  of  Population." 


EARLY  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT  49 

another    remedy    for    the    difficulty    had    been    found 
in  war. 

It  is  ha i-d   in  these  days  to  appreciate  the  former 

utility  of  institutions  now  condemned  by  public  opinion. 

War  is  to-day  looked  on  as  a  necessary  evil, 

The  utility    j^t  -^  jg  «n  common  0pini0n  an  evil  from 

of  war.  l 

which  we  should  escape  as  soon  as  possible. 
Yet  wars  in  low  civilization  have  a  decidedly  useful 
function  when  there  is  a  surplus  population,  and  no 
peaceful  means  of  emigration.  At  any  rate,  when  in 
early  days  the  garden  spots  of  earth  were  filled  with 
a  teeming  population,  and  hungry  hordes  on  the  out- 
side fingered  their  weapons  and  speculated  on  their 
chances  of  success  in  battle,  trouble  was  inevitable. 
As  Ovid  puts  it,  the  golden  age  was  succeeded  by  the 
ages  of  silver,  of  brass  and  of  iron,  as  men  pitted  them- 
selves one  against  another  and  fought  for  food,  plunder 
and  land.  Then  the  contented  and  peaceable  disposition 
of  savage  civilization  that  so  easily  accompanies  a  full 
stomach  began  to  yield  to  a  -fierce  and  pugnacious 
spirit  that  warred  for  food  and  for  the  mere  joy  of 
killing.  Then  probably  developed  the  practice  of  can- 
nibalism, when  men  hunted  their  kind  as  a  source  of 
food,  the  custom  becoming  fixed  and  sanctioned  as 
the  pressure  of  population  on  food  supplies  intensified. 
For  many  centuries  this  state  of  continuous  war  lasted 
in  the  attempt  to  adjust  population  to  food  supplies, 
until  the  slow  development  of  pastoral  life,  and 
later  of  agriculture,  lessened  the  frequency  of  war 
by  allowing  a  larger  population  to  subsist  on  a  given 
territory. 


50  SOCIOLOGY 

There  are  certain  obvious  social  benefits  arising  from 
this  stage  of  warfare.  It  meant  the  survival  of  the 
War  as  strong  and  the  elimination  of  the  weak;  men 
social  com-  in  defense  of  their  hunting  grounds  were 
petition.  stimulated  to  greater  mentality  so  as  to 
be  able  to  cope  more  successfully  in  war;  they  were 
compelled  to  form  permanent  groups  so  as  to  know 
friend  from  foe;  racial  boundary  lines  became  pos- 
sible, if  only  the  faint  and  movable  line  of  hunting 
grounds.  And  with  growing  fixity  in  racial  population 
and  habitation,  the  social  group  came  into  existence, 
and  a  civilization  founded  on  the  war  group  had  started. 
It  is  possible,  therefore,  on  the  basis  of  this  historic 
knowledge  of  early  civilization,  to  trace  the  intimate 
connection  of  war  and  high  civilization,  and  to  explain 
that  seeming  paradox  of  history,  why  the  fiercest  and 
most  warlike  of  nations  regularly  represent  the  high- 
water  mark  of  civilization,  and  why  the  most  kindly 
and  peaceful  of  peoples  have  so  regularly  served  as 
serfs  and  slaves  to  their  opposites.  On  the  one  side  we 
have  from  Christ  to  Tolstoi  the  teaching  that  the  meek 
shall  inherit  the  earth;  on  the  other  side  we  have  the 
Gallic  vae  victis  and  the  superman  of  Nietzsche,1  who 
joyously  tramples  on  the  meek  and  accepts  as  his  due 
the  devotion  and  service  of  those  he  oppresses.  War 
with  all  of  its  implications  has  become  a  part  of 
social  competition,  and  a  love  of  it  is  deeply  ingrained 
in  the  blood.  The  problem  of  society  is  to  turn 
the  intensity  of  this  fierce  desire  for  mastery  away 
from  human  subjugation  and  toward  the  conquest  of 

1  Friedrich  Nietzsche,  "Beyond  Good  and  Evil." 


EARLY  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT  51 

nature    and    the   subdual  of   the  beast  in  the  human 
breast. 

Taking  up  the  development  of  society  from  the 
standpoint  of  social  theory  one  may  well  be  per- 
plexed by  the  many  theories  advanced  which 
Spencer  a*m  ^°  se^  f°rth  the  principle  of  development. 
It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  discuss  most  of 
these,  but  attention  will  be  directed  briefly  to  some  of 
the  explanations  that  have  been  advanced  by  prominent 
sociologists.  We  see  that  to-day  the  institutions  of 
society  are  numerous,  highly  specialized  and  exceed- 
ingly complex.  Yet  ages  ago,  as  already  shown,  these 
were  few,  simple  and  easily  comprehended.  What  has 
been  the  order  of  the  changes,  and  why  did  the  simple 
become  complex?  Herbert  Spencer,  in  his  sociological 
studies,  endeavored  to  show  how  the  activities  or  func- 
tions of  society  multiplied,  how  each  fundamental 
activity  would  subdivide  or  differentiate,  how  institu- 
tions or  social  structures  developed  through  which 
these  activities  could  best  be  carried  on,  how  agencies 
for  the  regulation  of  these  activities  developed  one  by 
one,  and  how  other  agencies  arose  to  see  to  the  proper 
distribution  of  the  products  of  social  activity.  In  con- 
nection with  all  this  he  sought  to  show  that  the  prin- 
ciple of  evolution,  as  explained  by  him  in  his  "First 
Principles  of  Synthetic  Philosophy,"  held  true  in  social 
development  also,  and  hence  that  the  cosmic  principle 
of  evolution  would  explain  the  slow  changes  in  the 
development  of  society,  and  that  by  implication,  if 
one  comprehended  both  the  process  or  law  of  develop- 
ment and  the  principle  of  evolution,  he  would  also  be 


52  SOCIOLOGY 

able  to  foresee  the  trend  of  social  change  and  thereby- 
become  a  wise  guide  in  current  social  movements. 

Most  other  sociological  writers  have  not  ventured  to 
follow  Spencer  in  his  historical  researches  into  the 
Theories  of  development  of  institutions, x  but  have  been 
social  de-  content  with  the  results  of  investigations  in 
veiopment.  ^^  ma^ers  made  by  others.  Instead  of 
that  they  have  endeavored  to  set  forth  some  principle 
that  might  explain  why  human  beings  held  together 
at  all  and  how  changes  developed  out  of  the  simple 
primitive  type  of  the  horde.  (1)  In  such  explanations 
one  set  of  writers  tends  to  emphasize  the  permanent 
aspects  of  the  mind  as  reproducing  themselves  over 
and  over  again  in  successive  generations,  modified 
only  by  slight  variations,  but  tending  always  to  re- 
turn to  the  fundamentals  of  human  nature.  For 
instance  the  sympathy  that  naturally '  exists  between 
mother  and  offspring  in  mammals,  may  in  human  kind 
broaden  out  so  as  to  include  kin,  clan,  tribe,  nation  and 
all  humanity,  and  explains  the  growing  solidarity  of 
the  human  race.2  Or,  again,  as  the  natural  disposition 
is  toward  the  path  of  least  resistance,  persons  in  their 
development  find  it  easier  to  imitate  and  to  grow  like 
those  with  whom  they  are  intimately  in  contact;  hence 
the  strength  of  social  unity  comes  from  the  growth  of 
kinship  ties  and  common  customs,  men  preferring  the 
like  to  the  unlike,  the  usual  to  the  unusual.  (2)  Still 
another  school  of  writers  emphasizes  the  intellect  as 
an  important  factor  in  development.     The  mind  learns 

1  See  Spencer's  "Descriptive  Sociology." 

2  See  Moore's  "Universal  Kinship." 


EARLY  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT  53 

slowly  to  perceive  its  truer  interests,  and  aims  to  attain 
these,  not  merely  to  satisfy  animal  feelings,  or  to  imi- 
tate activities  common  to  all  the  members  of  the  group. 
By  reflection  it  learns  the  theoretical  advantage  of 
seeking  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  special  and  individual 
interests,  the  utility  of  which  is  perceived  and  a  desire 
aroused  for  their  attainment.  Hence,  they  argue, 
development  comes  not  merely  from  the  gradual  dif- 
ferentiation by  slow  variation  from  some  fundamental, 
but  rather  when  men  deliberately  cut  loose  from  the 
beaten  paths,  introduce  innovations,  and  strive  to  have 
these  adopted  as  types  to  be  imitated  by  the  inert 
mass  who  neither  initiate  nor  originate.  Under  this 
theory  emphasis  is  naturally  placed  on  the  genius,  the 
nobility,  the  aristocracy  of  a  group  as  the  real  origi- 
nators of  social  progress. 

(3)  Other  writers  again  call  attention  to  the  impor- 
tance of  group  differences  as  a  factor  in  development. 
Just  as  water  seeks  its  level,  and  forces  tend  to  equi- 
librate or  balance,  so  the  differences  that  arise  owing 
to  the  influence  of  varying  environments  are  always 
tending  toward  a  process  of  assimilation.  The  moment 
that  two  dissimilar  groups  approach  each  other,  they 
tend  to  come  together  and  ultimately  to  harmonize. 
This  process  may  be  a  violent  one,  as  when  warring 
groups  become  unified  by  conquest,  and  compulsory 
and  unconscious  assimilation  takes  place,  or  it  may 
be  conscious  and  peaceable,  as  when  through  commerce 
and  other  forms  of  social  intercourse  two  dissimilar 
civilizations  slowly  exchange  ideas,  and  by  imitation 
approximate  toward  a  common  type. 


54  SOCIOLOGY 

These  several  theories  seem  to  involve  the  conclusion 
that  there  is  a  definite  law  or  order,  in  accord  with  which 
society  advances  and  human  institutions  develop;  that 
there  is  some  principle  of  causation  that  explains  why 
this  development  takes  place;  and  that  this  principle 
may  be  in  substance  that  taught  by  Spencer,  or  may 
be  the  subsidiary  and  kindred  principles  of  imitation, 
innovation  or  conflict.1 

If  from  this  as  a  basis  we  turn  again  to  the  prim- 
itive horde-groups,  we  may  see  illustrations  of  these 
illustrations  theories  in  group  development.  Suppose  a 
of  these  group  of  human  beings  comfortably  settled 
in  a  favorable  environment,  untroubled  by 
dangerous  neighbors  and  even  apart  from  the  rest  of 
humanity.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  development  would 
be  natural,  spontaneous,  and  chiefly  through  imitation. 
By  intermarriage  the  members  of  the  group  would 
become  a  kindred,  and  would  become  solidified  in 
sympathy  by  common  customs  and  interests.  Changes 
might  come,  but  these  would  be  insignificant  as  the 
people  and  environment  are  practically  fixed.  By  imi- 
tation they  would  develop  a  common  type  of  economic 
life,  of  family,  religion  and  government,  and  would 
discourage  innovations  as  tending  to  destroy  the  time- 
honored  teachings  of  their  ancestors. 

Again,  suppose  that  this  group  meets  with  an  impor- 
tant modification  in  environment,  for  instance  by  nat- 

1  Among  sociological  writers,  in  addition  to  Comte,  Spencer  and 
Ward  already  alluded  to,  reference  may  be  made  to  the  Bibliography, 
under  the  names  of  Giddings,  de  Greef,  Gumplowicz,  Ratzenhofer, 
Ross,  Small,  Stuckenberg,  and  Tarde. 


EARLY  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT  55 

ural  increase  an  excess  of  population  over  food  supplies, 
there  would  now  be  need  for  the  innovator.  The  great 
thinker  or  leader  must  arise  who  would  show  them  how 
to  reduce  population  by  putting  to  death  female  infants, 
the  aged  or  the  weak;  how  to  draft  off  their  surplus 
population  and  compel  them  to  migrate;  or  how  they 
might  increase  food  supplies  by  the  domestication  of 
animals,  by  agriculture  or  by  improved  tools,  or  by 
exchanging  surplus  goods  for  foods,  or  by  warring  on 
neighboring  tribes  and  securing  their  supplies  and 
resources.  Any  one  of  these  suggestions  would  neces- 
sarily compel  changes  in  the  old-time  system.  The 
sympathetic  ties  of  kinship  must  be  violently  broken 
or  shattered,  the  economic  customs  of  the  hunting 
group  must  be  exchanged  for  the  habits  of  pastoral  or 
agricultural  life,  or  a  social  reorganization  must  be 
made  for  purposes  of  war  or  commerce.  Evidently 
the  innovator  would  be  a  powerful  factor  in  social 
development,  and  he  might  be  remembered  for  cen- 
turies as  a  founder  of  a  new  civilization,  like  Moses, 
Cecrops,  Servius  Tullius  or  the  Incas  of  Peru. 

Again  suppose,  in  the  third  place,  that  the  group 
under  consideration  concludes  to  engage  in  commerce, 
or  starts  out  on  a  career  of  conquest.  In  the  one  case 
it  comes  in  contact  with  another  civilization,  differing 
institutions  and  other  ideas  and  ideals  of  life;  the 
contrast  is  noted,  and  slowly  a  peaceable  assimilation 
takes  place,  each  group  modifying  its  own  by  the  par- 
tial adoption  of  the  other's  culture.  In  the  other  case 
by  conquest  it  settles  as  a  ruling  class  over  the  sur- 
viving members  of  the  conquered  race.     Consciously  or 


56  SOCIOLOGY 

unconsciously  both  races  soon  begin  to  amalgamate. 
Many  of  the  conquered  females  become  subordinate 
wives  of  their  conquerors,  the  offspring  partake  of  the 
characteristics  of  both,  language  and  customs  tend  to 
become  assimilated,  religious  and  economic  interests 
tend  to  unite  them  in  sympathy,  and  the  necessity  for 
joint  action  in  war  from  time  to  time  cements  them 
into  one  people.  If  the  amalgamation  is  between  two 
fairly  equal  or  not  too  dissimilar  stocks,  the  resultant 
strain  is  probably  superior  to  either  of  the  original 
stocks.  Deterioration  follows  too  close  inbreeding, 
whether  of  races  or  civilization,  and  advance  is  made 
by  mingling  differing  but  not  too  different  kinds. 

In  these  suppositions  we  find  illustrations  of  a  process 
that  has  gone  on  since  human  society  first  began.  As 
status  l°n§   as   conditions   remain    practically    the 

versus  same,  social  imitation  dominates,  and  a  static 

progress.  Qr  stationary  civilization  prevails;  if  serious 
modifications  take  place  in  conditions,  either  innova- 
tion must  arise  or  degradation  and  extermination  be- 
come inevitable;  if  through  commerce  or  war  differing 
civilizations  are  brought  in  opposition,  the  resultant 
amalgamation  and  assimilation  imply  progress.  In 
almost  any  period  of  human  history,  or  in  any  part  of 
the  earth,  numerous  illustrations  of  these  three  factors 
may  be  found.  Everywhere  may  be  observed  that  nat- 
ural disposition  of  mankind  to  settle  back  and  believe 
in  the  goodness  of  the  past  and  the  perfection  of  the 
present;  to  frown  on  the  radical  who  suggests  the 
possibility  of  improvement  by  change,  and  to  throw 
up  the  hands  in  holy  horror  at  the  thought  that  any 


EARLY  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT  57 

good  can  come  to  Judea  from  out  of  Nazareth.  On 
the  other  hand  we  see  the  long,  long  roll  of  martyrdom 
as  men  and  women  in  all  ages  sought  to  introduce 
innovations  in  social,  political  and  religious  life,  and 
joyously  went  to  their  deaths  in  the  hope  that  the  day 
would  yet  come  when  their  persecutors  would  realize 
that  they  had  killed  the  prophets  who  had  sought  to 
upbuild  their  people.  Finally  in  the  long  and  bloody 
record  of  war,  of  massacre  and  slaughter,  we  see  arising 
from  it  all,  races  of  mixed  blood,  energetic,  forceful, 
ambitious,  who  inherit  along  with  the  fighting  quali- 
ties of  their  ancestors  their  mental  and  moral  qualities 
also,  as  the  basis  for  a  higher  and  more  enduring  civiliza- 
tion. The  old  riddle  of  Samson  still  has  point,  "Out 
of  the  eater  came  forth  meat,  and  out  of  the  strong 
came  forth  sweetness."  *  War  is  followed  by  peace,  and 
peace  also  has  its  famous  victories. 

1  Judges  xiv,  14. 


CHAPTER  III 

ACHIEVEMENT  AND  CIVILIZATION 

While  the  words,  civilization  and  achievement,  are 
used  in  their  general  sense,  they  have  particular  sig- 
nificance and  importance  in  sociological  usage,  for 
sociology,  after  all,  is  deeply  concerned  with  the  history 
and  study  of  achievement,  and  with  the  possibilities 
of  improvement  in  civilization  through  human  achieve- 
ment. As  Lester  F.  Ward  puts  it,  achievement  is  the 
subject  matter  of  sociology,  and  civilization  is  the  sum 
total  of  achievement.1 

It  is  possible  to  speak  of  the  achievement  of  animals 
and  to  call  attention  to  their  successful  attainment  of 
Animal  en(^s  through  effort.  One  might  also  speak 
achieve-  of  their  civilization  and  grade  them  as  high 
or  low  in  the  scale  of  development,  accord- 
ing to  the  quality  of  their  achievements.  They  grow 
weapons  of  offense  and  defense,  such  as  the  claw  of 
the  lobster  or  the  antlers  of  the  stag;  they  grow  or  build 
homes,  as  the  shell  of  the  snail  or  the  nest  of  the  bird. 
Wolves  organize  hunting  bands,  ants  engage  in  war, 
and  bees  live  in  industrial  communities.  Beavers  con- 
struct dams,  squirrels  store  food  for  the  winter,  and 
deer  station  sentinels  while  browsing. 

Family  organization  in  its  familiar  forms  of  polyg- 

1  "Pure  Sociology,"  pp.  15,  40. 
58 


ACHIEVEMENT  AND   CIVILIZATION  59 

amy  and  monogamy  is  well  defined  among  higher 
animals;  instruction,  by  example  at  least,  is  given  to 
the  young;  there  seems  to  be  a  clear  appreciation  of 
moral  and  esthetic  distinctions;  the  rudiments  at  least 
of  humor  and  intelligence  may  be  observed  in  the  ele- 
phant, and  in  the  dog's  attitude  toward  man  there  is 
a  rude  sort  of  religion.  Indeed,  when  the  highest  ani- 
mals and  the  lowest  savages  are  compared,  the  observer 
is  often  tempted  to  declare  that  the  advantage  is  rather 
in  favor  of  the  animal.  It  is  entirely  possible,  there- 
fore, to  work  out  an  animal  sociology  and  to  trace  the 
record  of  animal  civilization  and  achievements.1 

And   yet,    even   though   the   border   line   is   vague, 
there  is  a  sharp  distinction  between  the   animal  and 
and  the  human  being,  not  so  much  perhaps 
achate-        m  kind  as  in  degree  and  quality  of  develop- 
ment dis-      ment.     Presumably  the  chief  distinction  is 

tmctiyey  ^  ^  ^^  £ne  anima]  does  }s  on  the  whole 
conscious. 

done  instinctively,  without  any  clear  notion 
of  purpose  in  the  mind  or  a  comprehension  of  the  means 
employed.  While  man  also  has  his  instincts  and  his 
automatic  activities,  he  has  in  addition  developed  the 
power  of  conscious  reasoning  through  which  he  delib- 
erately sets  before  himself  desirable  ends,  seeks  to  com- 
prehend the  best  methods  of  attaining  these,  and 
performs  the  resultant  activities  with  conscious  ob- 
servation,  comparison  and  experiment.     Furthermore, 

1  As  studies  of  this  sort,  note  Darwin's  "Expression  of  the  Emo- 
tions in  Man  and  Animals"  and  Romanes'  "Animal  Intelligence," 
"Mental  Evolution  in  Man,"  "Mental  Evolution  in  Animals"; 
Kropotkin's  "Mutual  Aid"  and  Espinas'  "Des  soci£tes  animales." 


60  SOCIOLOGY 

after  working  out  an  achievement  he  does  not  depend 
for  its  reproduction  on  an  endless  instinctive  repetition, 
or  even  on  an  immediate  conscious  imitation,  but  he 
stores  away  the  idea  of  it  in  his  memory,  or  else  con- 
fides it  through  language  to  his  or  a  succeeding  genera- 
tion, thus  making  it  a  social  possession  which  can  be 
recalled  into  use  even  after  many  generations  of  disuse 
have  passed.  In  other  words,  human  achievement  is 
mental,  the  product  of  the  intellect,  and  is  stored  up 
in  the  mind,  while  animal  achievements  in  the  main 
are  physical  and  automatic,  involving  no  conscious 
mental  process. 

If  human  achievement  is  fundamentally  intellectual, 

then  civilization  must  be  based  on  mental  attainment. 

Civilization  is  not  merely  a  series  of  achieve- 

Civihzation  .  .  ,  ,.   . 

based  on  ments;  it  implies  in  addition  a  comprehen- 
mentai  at-  sjon  0f  ^he  ideas  underlying  these.  A  troop 
of  monkeys  inhabiting  a  deserted  city  in  the 
jungle  of  India  is  not  thereby  civilized,  nor  did  the 
barbarians  who  conquered  Rome  at  once  attain  civili- 
zation when  they  took  possession  of  its  cities;  nor 
would  a  savage  become  civilized  if  by  chance  he  were 
clothed  in  the  height  of  fashion  and  surrounded  by  the 
most  highly  developed  social  institutions.  Furthermore, 
no  nation  that  possesses  wealth,  machinery,  magnificent 
edifices  and  well-stocked  libraries  can  for  that  reason  lay 
claim  to  civilization.  There  may  be  within  it  a  large 
per  cent  of  primitive  savages,  rude  barbarians,  half- 
civilized  clannish  conservatives  who  belong  far  back 
in  patriarchal  times,  and  a  comparatively  small  per 
cent  only  who  comprehend  the  ideas  back  of  machinery, 


ACHIEVEMENT   AND   CIVILIZATION  61 

invention,  social  institutions  and  the  ideals  of  cultural 
civilization. 

That  nation  only  can  call  itself  civilized  in  which 
the  general  body  of  citizens  has  grasped  the  ideas  of 
achievement,  and  knows  how  to  use  them  effectively. 
If  this  knowledge  is  held  by  but  few,  the  nation  is 
seriously  handicapped,  since  the  many  are  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  lower  in  the  quality  of  their  civilization 
inasmuch  as  their  actions  are  dictated  not  by  the 
intellect  but  by  unreasoning  habit  and  imitation.  For 
such  reasons  those  serious  charges  brought  against 
modern  civilization  by  radicals  on  the  assumption  that 
the  nation  as  a  whole  is  capable  of  understanding  and 
perpetuating  the  ideas  of  advancing  civilization,  are 
not  rightly  brought  against  civilization  itself.  They 
should  rather  be  brought  against  conditions  that  neces- 
sitate a  retarded  development  for  so  large  a  proportion 
of  the  population,  and  should  be  accompanied  by  con- 
structive suggestions  for  the  removal  of  such  conditions. 
Serious  evils  arise  through  a  lowering  of  national  self- 
respect  when  society  is,  with  apparent  justice,  falsely 
charged  with  hypocrisy  and  deceit. 

A  similar  illustration  of  this  point  may  be  seen  by 
noting  the  oft-repeated  charge  against  certain  nations 
that  they  emphasize  unduly  material  civiliza- 
civiiization  ^ion.  Properly  defined,  material  civilization 
means  a  knowledge  of  the  methods  of  utiliz- 
ing natural  materials  and  forces;  no  society  can  have 
too  much  of  this  sort  of  knowledge.  The^  very  essence 
of  social  progress  of  all  sorts  is  involved  in  the  pos- 
session of  it,  and  the  lack  of  it  would  plunge  mankind 


62  SOCIOLOGY 

back  into  primitive  savagery.  But  when  some  men 
take  these  achievements  of  material  civilization  and 
use  them  solely  for  selfish  purposes,  at  the  same  time 
exploiting  the  wage  earner  and  debauching  the  ethical 
standards  of  society,  then  charges  may  well  be  brought 
not  against  material  civilization  as  such,  but  against 
those  who,  lacking  the  ideals  of  cultural  civilization, 
use  the  low  standards  of  former  ages  in  building  up 
their  selfish  interests  at  a  time  when  the  social  con- 
science is  demanding  higher  standards. 

If  to  the  definition  of  material  civilization  we  add 
that  of  cultural  civilization,  i.  e.  the  totality  of  ideas 
and  achievement  underlying  the  ethical, 
civilization  esthetic,  religious  and  intellectual  develop- 
ment of  society,  we  have  before  us  the  two 
great  aspects  of  civilization,  material  and  cultural, 
one  emphasizing  the  utilization  of  matter  and  en- 
ergy, the  other  emphasizing  the  utilization  in  social 
life  of  the  attainment  and  ideals  of  higher  culture 
as  achieved  by  the  human  mind.  The  relationship 
between  these  two  forms  of  civilization  is  intimate. 
Broadly  speaking,  the  material  always  precedes  the 
cultural.  Lacking  material  civilization,  a  society  is 
condemned  to  an  endless  struggle  for  existence  in 
which  no  leisure  is  left  for  the  development  of  a  higher 
life.  As  material  civilization  increases,  leisure  becomes 
possible  for  a  steadily  increasing  per  cent  of  mankind, 
and  with  leisure  comes  opportunity  for  mental  and 
moral  advancement.1     Of  course  here  and  there  in  the 

1  On  this  point,  see  references  in  Index  under  Leisure  and  Leisure 
Class. 


ACHIEVEMENT   AND   CIVILIZATION  63 

midst  of  strenuous  economic  conditions  may  be  found 
persons  who,  while  engaged  in  a  ceaseless  struggle  for 
existence,  may  also  find  time  for  study  and  mental 
development,  just  as  among  a  leisure  class  may  be 
found  many  who  misuse  their  opportunity  for  advance- 
ment; but  speaking  generally,  every  society  must  de- 
velop a  material  civilization  before  it  can  hope  to 
develop  a  cultural  civilization,  and  this,  moreover,  will 
develop  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  material  civili- 
zation, and  the  extent  to  which  its  benefits  and  a 
knowledge  of  it  are  shared  by  the  people  as  a  whole. 

In  passing  from  these  definitions  it  may  be  neces- 
sary again  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  civilization  con- 
Civiiization  s^s^s  fundamentally  of  ideas  of  achievement, 
as  achieve-  If  a  society  should  by  chance  lose  all  of 
its  material  wealth  in  the  form  of  houses, 
goods,  machinery  and  other  tangible  possessions,  it 
would  remain  civilized  if  it  retained  the  ideas  involved 
in  the  making  of  these,  and  it  could  reproduce  within 
a  few  years  all  it  had  lost.  If,  however,  it  lost  the 
ideas  of  the  things  and  retained  the  things  themselves, 
it  would  have  the  shadow  and  not  the  substance  of 
civilization  and  soon  would  lose  even  that. 

If  civilization  is  made  up  of  the  sum  total  of  achieve- 
ment, it  is  important  to  understand  clearly  just  what 
Meaning  *s  meant  by  that  term.  In  plant  life  the 
of  achieve-  possibilities  of  development  are  determined 
by  the  conditions  of  a  fixed  environment. 
In  animal  life,  however,  there  is  a  possibility  of 
change  of  environment  since  animals  have  the  power 
of   locomotion    and    may,  if   necessary,    migrate    and 


64  SOCIOLOGY 

thereby  place  themselves  under  more  favorable  condi- 
tions, as  when  flocks  of  birds  move  to  warmer  climates 
at  the  approach  of  winter.  But  man  may  remain  in 
his  accustomed  habitat,  and  through  his  intellect  he 
may  consciously  make  use  of  natural  materials  or  forces 
in  such  a  way  as  to  produce  direct  modifications  in  the 
conditions  of  life.  Nature  is  the  universal  mother  and 
in  cosmic  history  has  brought  into  existence  stellar  sys- 
tems innumerable,  and  earth's  many  forms  of  plant  and 
animal  life,  including  man  with  his  dominant  intellectu- 
ality. This  energy  pulsating  through  the  brain  of  man 
has  stimulated  him  also  to  become  a  creator.  Under 
the  stress  of  keen  competition  his  mental  faculties 
became  sharpened  and  he  saw  how  he  might  lend  strength 
to  his  muscles  by  utilizing  as  a  weapon  or  tool  the 
rounded  stone  supplied  by  the  streams,  or  a  knotted 
club  from  a  fallen  tree.  From  this  time  on  he  definitely 
entered  on  his  career  as  a  maker  of  tools  and  weapons, 
and  the  first  great  class  of  material  achievements  had 
made  its  appearance.  Similarly  he  learned  in  time  to 
comprehend  how  he  might  modify  his  environment  by 
means  of  clothing  and  habitations  and  how  he  might 
add  to  the  comfort,  ease  and  pleasure  of  life  by  utilizing 
the  natural  forces  displayed  so  powerfully  about  him. 
Hence  came  the  use  of  fire  for  warmth  and  the  prepara- 
tion of  foods,  flowing  water  to  propel  his  simple  canoe 
and  carry  his  burdens,  and  wind  to  fill  the  sails  of  his 
primitive  boat.  Then  came  the  ability  to  utilize  ani- 
mals by  domestication  for  purposes  of  food  and  burden 
bearing,  and  the  capacity  to  compel  the  earth  to  yield 
him  foods  by  artificial  cultivation.     In  connection  with 


ACHIEVEMENT  AND   CIVILIZATION  65 

these  came  the  achievement  of  language  and  the  begin- 
nings of  mathematics  as  man  began  to  grasp  more 
exactly  the  distinction  between  the  one  and  the  many. 
As  his  intellectual  processes  became  more  exact  in  their 
methods,  simple  forms  of  logic  were  comprehended, 
and  thus  the  three  great  typical  "tools  of  the  mind,"  * 
language,  mathematics  and  logic  had  been  achieved, 
and  awaited  only  the  passing  of  centuries  and  the 
insight  of  great  thinkers  to  develop  to  their  present 
forms. 

Again,  as  men  combined  in  groups  they  saw  the 
advantage  of  definite  organization,  and  so,  little  by 
......     .    little    worked    out    the    great    fundamental 

Social  msti-  ...  «•       i  •    i 

tutions  as  institutions  of  the  social  order,  namely, 
achieve-  institutions  economic,  domestic,  religious, 
educational  and  political.  From,  these  also 
were  worked  out  by  specialization  and  differentiation 
secondary  institutions  such  as  the  great  historical  types 
of  kinship  and  the  ceremonial  forms  of  marriage,  the 
industrial  arts  and  trades,  sacerdotal  institutions  of  all 
sorts  typified  by  the  church,  and  the  many  secondary 
institutions  of  government  as  illustrated,  for  example, 
by  the  rise  of  law  and  jurisprudence.  As  notions  of 
goodness,  beauty  and  truth  budded  up  in  the  human 
mind  men  developed  ideals  of  art,  ethics  and  philosophy, 
and  made  these  concrete  through  the  fine  arts,  through 
the  development  of  moral  and  philanthropic  codes  and 
systems,  and  through  organizations  for  the  develop- 
ment of  culture.  In  this  manner  can  be  traced  a  long 
list  of  achievements  slowly  thought  out  and  wrought 

1  Ward's  "Pure  Sociology/' p.  26. 


66  SOCIOLOGY 

into  tangible  forms,  wrung  out  of  nature  under  the 
spur  of  stern  necessity  through  mental  sweat,  yet  each 
tending  to  make  human  existence  more  endurable  and 
happier. 

A  little  reflection  shows  that  the  social  history  of 
man  would  consist  in  a  list  of  his  achievements,  that 

importance  ^s  ^s^  °^  grea^  men  would  be  made  up  of 
of  achieve-  those  who  have  added  valuable  achieve- 
ment'  ments  to  civilization,  and  that  the  immor- 

tals of  social  life  are  not  those  who  devastated  with 
fire  and  sword,  but  those  who  thought  out  a  great 
invention,  made  a  scientific  discovery,  or  formulated 
a  fruitful  idea,  and  gave  it  to  their  fellows.  The  real 
A.dam  of  society  was  he  who  first  devised  a  tool,  and 
the  real  Eve  she  who  first  taught  her  offspring  the 
simple  rude  sounds  of  primitive  speech.1  Each  achieve- 
ment when  made  is  treasured  up  by  the  human  mind, 
handed  on  by  custom  or  tradition,  or  confided  to  the  ^ 
written  or  printed  page,  and  lives  as  long  as  its  utility 
is  evident,  passing  away  only  when  superseded  by  a 
better  and  greater  achievement.  Every  material 
achievement  lightens  the  labors  of  man,  yields  him  for 
his  toil  more  abundant  fruit,  and  gives  him  the  hope 
that  the  time  will  yet  come  when  he  will  so  completely 
master  the  knowledge  of  how  best  to  utilize  for  his 
purposes  natural  materials  and  forces,  that  he  will 
be  virtually  free  from  the  stress  of  economic  compe- 
tition. Then,  freed  from  the  "curse,"2  he  will  no 
longer   eat   his  bread   in   the    sweat   of  his   face   but 

1  See  Mason's  "Women's  Share  in  Primitive  Culture." 

2  Genesis  iii,  17-19. 


ACHIEVEMENT  AND   CIVILIZATION  67 

shall  "sit  under  his  vine  and  fig  tree  none  making 
him  afraid."  l  Similarly,  as  he  adds  to  his  mental 
and  cultural  achievements  he  will  understand  better 
the  possibilities  of  his  own  mind,  he  will  find  the  royai 
road  to  learning,  will  master  the  sciences  one  by  one, 
he  will  learn  how  to  unify  his  knowledge,  to  moralize  his 
practices,  and  to  beautify  his  life,  until  as  a  god,  knowing 
good  and  evil,  he  will  begin  to  reach  out  after  the  hidden 
knowledge  of  the  universe  veiled  from  his  thought  at 
present  because  of  his  ignorance  and  crude  mentality. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  may  be  perceived  that 

early    civilization    and    achievement    from    the    social 

standpoint  are  genetic  not  telic;  2    individual 

Genetic    e-   no^.  conec^ve^     jn  0ther  words,  social  groups 

velopment.  '  °        x 

as  units  did  not  deliberately  plan  out  their 
achievements  or  fix  on  their  standards  of  civilization. 
These  grew  spontaneously,  naturally,  genetically,  and 
were  determined  by  the  particular  needs  and  condi- 
tions at  the  time  or  as  the  whim  and  fancy  of  the 
moment  suggested.  So,  likewise,  an  individual  urged 
on  by  pressing  need,  would  hit  on  some  happy  material 
achievement  or  invention  that  would  speedily  be  imi- 
tated and  reproduced  by  his  fellows.  Or  the  thinker 
struggling  painfully  with  thoughts  too  large  for  expres- 
sion or  full  comprehension  would,  as  prophet,  poet  or 
philosopher,  set  forth  for  the  satisfaction  of  his  own 
mind  an  idea  so  strange  and  wonderful  to  his  com- 
panions that  to  them  he  was  as  though  inspired  by 
some  divinity.  In  all  this  there  was  no  far-sighted 
social  end  in  view;  achievements  came  under  the  stress 

1  Micah  iv,  4.  J  re\iic6s. 


68  SOCIOLOGY 

of  material  necessity  or  of  a  growing  mentality  seeking 
means  of  expression.  Yet  out  of  this  chaos  of  achieve- 
ment by  slow  accretion  century  after  century,  there  came 
a  civilization,  even  though  its  development  was  so  slow 
that  at  times  it  seemed  stationary  or  even  recessive. 

At  rare  intervals  under  the  stimulus  of  a  great  crisis 

and  under  the  guidance  of  a  powerful  leader,  a  people 

or  nation   might  seem  to  rise  to   the  con- 

eicsocia     sc}0usness  of  a  destiny  to  be  attained,  and 

progress.  J  ' 

for  a  period  might  strive  consciously  and 
purposefully  to  push  forward  in  achievement  and 
civilization.  But  the  exciting  cause  died  away,  the 
great  man  was  succeeded  by  apathetic  sons,  and 
the  untrained  mass  gladly  settled  back  into  inertia, 
wearied  by  the  unusual  exertion  of  planning  for  the 
morrow.  Warlike  leaders,  fiery  prophets,  inspiring 
poets  may,  for  a  time,  disturb  the  customs  and  tradi- 
tions of  the  multitude,  but  when  the  storm  of  agitation 
is  past,  the  seemingly  irresistible  billows  sink  back 
into  the  bosom  of  the  sea  and  scarcely  a  ripple  marks 
the  place.  The  reason  is  perhaps  clear.  Great  changes 
are  not  made  through  genius  and  enthusiasm  unaided. 
There  must  be  a  real  and  fundamental  modification  of 
environment,  there  must  be  an  achievement  that  gives 
to  man  a  powerful  weapon  to  use  against  environing 
conditions,  a  new  conquest  must  be  made  over  nature, 
and  the  idea  back  of  the  achievement  must  become 
familiar  at  least  to  the  thinkers  of  the  group.  As  the 
newer  ideas  of  achievement  sink  into  the  common  con- 
sciousness through  education  and  social  imitation,  men 
begin  to  see  that  their  interests  and  advantages  are 


ACHIEVEMENT   AND   CIVILIZATION  69 

plainly  involved  From  that  time  forth  they  respond 
easily  and  naturally  to  the  stimulus  of  the  achievement, 
and  a  higher  stage  of  civilization  is  ushered  in. 

As  such  great  crises  as  these  are  few  in  number, 
society  as  a  rule  is  static  not  dynamic.  In  other  words, 
men  are  by  nature  conservative,  even  though 
izlllon™ '  ^iey  ^ave  m  themselves  the  potential  capac- 
ity to  become  radical.  In  static  civilization 
they  are  nurtured  and  trained  in  the  habits  and  customs 
of  their  ancestors,  they  use  the  same  tools  and  weapons, 
are  familiar  with  the  same  institutions,  and  hold  the 
same  beliefs.  Some  changes  may  creep  in  during  the 
course  of  a  generation  but  they  are  relatively  few  and 
comparatively  insignificant  in  amount.  The  aged, 
being  more  experienced  and  wiser  than  the  young,  are 
revered  and  honored  as  rulers  and  priests,  and  stability 
marks  the  entire  social  organization.  But  when  through 
some  important  modification  in  conditions  a  dynamic 
age  arrives,  then  change  and  instability  are  the  order 
of  the  day.  The  old,  by  assumption,  becomes  inferior, 
and  the  new  is  theoretically  best;  customs  and  beliefs 
change ;  conservatism ,  once  the  bulwark  of  static  civiliza- 
tion, becomes  a  handicap  to  progress;  the  aged  who 
modify  their  ideas  and  beliefs  less  readily  than  the 
young  are  rejected,  and  the  "dead  line"  creeps  into 
the  industries  and  professions.  Men's  hearts  fail  them 
as  they  see  familiar  landmarks  go  one  by  one,  and  they 
struggle  desperately  to  hold  on  to  what  once  seemed 
good  and  right.  This  resistance  acts  as  a  sort  of  check 
to  progress,  the  energy  of  the  forward  movement  begins 
to  spend  itself;  slowly  and  gradually  the  old  and  the 


70  SOCIOLOGY 

new  harmonize,  part  of  each  is  rejected.  Then  amalga- 
mation takes  place,  the  old  institutions  still  exist,  but 
in  modified  form,  and  the  newer  system  in  a  generation 
or  two  becomes  the  accustomed;  static  conditions  once 
more  develop,  and  stability  again  characterizes  the  age. 
This  distinction  between  static  and  dynamic  civiliza- 
tion is  important,  and  further  explanation  may  make 
static  con-  ^e  contrast  clear.  If  in  a  given  society 
trasted  with  the  fundamental  conditions  of  life  are  prac- 
ynamic.  tically  fixed,  and  the  interests  for  which 
men  strive  virtually  uniform,  a  static  civilization  devel- 
ops. This  does  not  imply  that  no  changes  are  taking 
place.  Conditions  are  never  entirely  fixed,  and  the 
interests  for  which  men  strive  are  never  fully  harmo- 
nious, yet  as  long  as  the  changes  in  conditions  are  slow 
and  infinitesimal,  and  as  long  as  the  interests  striven 
for  remain  practically  the  same,  one  may  assume  that 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  institutions  and  ideals 
of  society  are  static.  The  institutions  are  slowly  chang- 
ing, the  ideals  imperceptibly  altering,  but  no  generation 
is  conscious  of  any  break  with  its  predecessors,  and  it 
is  only  when  centuries  have  elapsed  that  one  can  see 
distinctions  between  the  old  and  the  new.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  dynamic  civilization  is  always  preceded  by 
some  profound  change  in  the  physical  or  economic 
environment,  with  its  resultant  changes  in  cultural 
environment.  Through  war  or  migration  racial  stocks 
and  civilizations  may  be  brought  into  forced  union, 
and  a  dynamic  condition  exists  until  assimilation  and 
amalgamation  take  place.  A  pastoral  people  may 
through  necessity  be  compelled  to  turn  to  agriculture, 


ACHIEVEMENT  AND  CIVILIZATION  71 

or  an  agricultural  people  to  mining  or  to  commerce,  or 
a  commercial  people  to  manufactures,  and  the  period 
of  transition  is  dynamic.  Dormant  energy  bursts  forth 
as  illustrated  by  Saracenic  *  and  Japanese 2  civiliza- 
tions, and  movement  takes  place  until  the  conflicting 
modes  of  life  come  into  equilibrium,  are  harmonized, 
and  static  peace  resumes  its  importance.  Or  again, 
scientific  discovery  may  unsettle  a  static  civilization 
by  introducing  new  factors  of  fundamental  importance, 
such  as  the  invention  of  printing  or  of  gunpowder  or 
the  steam  engine  or  the  cotton  gin  or  the  use  of  elec- 
tricity as  power.  Rapid  transportation  and  the  tele- 
graph to-day  bring  human  civilizations  into  contact 
as  never  before.  The  scholarship  and  science  of  Europe 
are  taught  in  American  universities;  American  inven- 
tions and  manufactures  pass  into  all  parts  of  the  earth; 
western  civilization  forces  itself  upon  the  attention  of 
the  East,  which  tries  in  vain  to  close  its  doors  against 
such  unsettling  influences.  In  consequence,  old-fash- 
ioned economic  systems  have  to  undergo  revisions; 
Japan,  Turkey,  Russia,  China  and  Persia  with  more 
or  less  success  hesitate  on  the  brink  of  constitutional 
forms  of  government;  systems  of  education  become 
antiquated  within  a  generation;  time-honored  religious 
dogmas  and  symbols  lose  their  hold  on  human  imagina- 
tion, and  the  sciences  become  inductive  in  their  methods 
and  express  their  willingness  to  modify  their  teachings 
on  fair  proof  of  error.  Unquestionably  such  dynamic 
conditions  will  prevail  far  into  this  century,  but  little 

during    the    centuries   immediately   following    the    Hegira  o 
Mohammed.  2  Since  1868. 


72  SOCIOLOGY 

by  little,  here  and  there,  conflicting  interests  will  har- 
monize; new  generations  will  arise  not  versed  in  old 
traditions  and  accustomed  to  the  new;  intense  radical- 
ism and  ultra-conservatism  will  both  die  away;  the 
conventional  once  more  will  have  importance,  and  prog- 
ress will  be  at  its  ebb  until  new  discoveries,  new  changes 
in  conditions  will  once  again  bring  in  a  flood  tide  of 
civilization  with  dynamic  changes  in  social  institutions. 
As  long  as  physical  and  economic  changes  allow  a  larger 
development  in  dormant  capacity,  and  by  competition 
bring  about  an  elimination  of  the  weaker  or  falser 
elements  of  civilization,  progress  is  assured,  and  human- 
ity will  move  forward  from  achievement  to  achieve- 
ment toward  the  goal  of  a  more  perfect  civilization. 
Should,  however,  in  any  part  of  the  earth  the  reverse 
prove  true,  civilization  would  there  slowly  deteriorate, 
the  nation  would  fall,  having  had  its  day,  and  worthier 
rivals  would  take  its  place. 

Nations  rise  and  fall,  not  in  proportion  to  years  but 

rather  as  they  understand  or  fail  to  understand  the 

conditions  of  survival  and  of  national  achieve- 

Nationai        ment.     For  this  reason  the  question  may  well 

progress.  ^  J 

be  raised,  cannot  a  nation  as  a  whole,  through 
knowledge,  understand  so  well  the  conditions  of  prog- 
ress, that  instead  of  a  genetic  development,  with  its 
ebb  tides  and  floods,  its  times  of  transition  and  doubt, 
it  may  be  able  to  work  out  telic  progress?1  Can  it  not 
have  a  goal  in  mind,  clear  knowledge  of  the  best  methods 
of  attaining  that  end,  and  by  adopting  a  careful  and 

1  For  illustration    of  this   point,  see  Brooks  Adams'  "The  New 
Empire." 


ACHIEVEMENT   AND   CIVILIZATION  73 

methodical  policy  move  steadily  in  the  direction  of 
progress,  just  as  a  captain  guides  his  vessel  across  the 
Atlantic?  The  new  science  of  sociology  believes  that 
such  a  time  may  yet  come,  and  aims  to  prepare  the 
way,  so  that  man  may  come  into  his  kingship  by  becom- 
ing in  large  measure  the  arbiter  of  his  own  destiny  on 
earth. 


CHAPTER  IV 

SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY 

Since   sociology   is   based   chiefly   on  the   biological 
and  psychological  sciences,  sociological  discussions  nat- 
urally emphasize  analogies  and  vocabularies 

Sociological     j      •        1    r  j.i_  r   il 

terms  derived  irom  one  or  other  ol  these  sciences. 

At  first  under  the  impulse  given  by  Darwin- 
ism students  for  many  years  devoted  themselves  to 
what  may  be  called  a  biological  interpretation  of  society. 
Under  this  impulse  the  notion  that  society  was  funda- 
mentally an  organism  was  vigorously  emphasized,  as  for 
instance  by  Herbert  Spencer  and  especially  SchafEe.1 
Then,  as  attention  passed  in  part  to  psychology  under  the 
new  light  thrown  on  mental  phenomena  by  physiological 
researches,  there  came  a  newer  interpretation  of  society, 
which  tended  to  make  sociology  a  sort  of  supplementary 
chapter  in  psychology.  But  as  the  field  of  sociology 
enlarges  through  the  influence  and  the  knowledge  gained 
from  special  social  studies  of  all  sorts,  there  is  a  grow- 
ing conviction  that  while  there  may  be  much  valuable 
information  and  suggestion  from  the  two  basal  sci- 
ences, yet  such  knowledge  will  grow  relatively  less  impor- 

1  Schaffle,  "  Bau  und  Leben  des  Socialen  Korpers."  For  a  brief 
discussion  of  the  organic  nature  of  society,  see  J.  S.  Mackenzie,  "In- 
troduction to  Social  Philosophy,"  Chapter  III. 

74 


SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY  75 

tant  as  sociology  secures  possession  of  its  own  peculiar 
field.  At  present,  however,  sociological  terms  present  a 
curious  mixture  of  words  taken  from  the  exact  sciences 
and  from  biology  and  psychology,  often  used  in  a 
slightly  different  sense  from  that  employed  by  writers 
in  these  sciences.  This  confusion  will  gradually  dis- 
appear as  agreement  is  slowly  reached  in  respect  to 
the  terminology  to  be  employed. 

Of  the  two  basal  sciences  psychology  is  naturally 
more  important  for  sociology,  since  the  latter's  trend 
Psychology  toward  prevision  demands  a  mastery  of  such 
as  related  psychological  principles  as  would  be  advan- 
to  sociology.  -(;ageous  m  ^e  guidance  of  human  activity 
toward  desired  ends.  This  is  obvious  if  we  realize  the 
importance  of  mind x  as  a  factor  in  civilization.  Knowl- 
edge is  the  basis  for  power,  and  a  social  group  is  intel- 
ligent only  when  composed  in  the  main  of  well-trained 
intellects  1  stored  with  a  large  fund  of  useful  informa- 
tion. An  intelligent  group  can  understand  the  condi- 
tions and  possibilities  of  its  own  existence,  and  may 
accelerate  its  progress  by  telic  forethought.  Biological 
analogies  therefore  relatively  lose  their  importance; 
society  ceases  to  be  thought  of  as  strictly  organic,  and  is 
instead  looked  on  as  a  psychic  unity,  a  super-organism, 
with  emphasis  on  the  social  aspects  of  psychic  relation- 
ships, or  on  the  process  whereby  men  become  and  re- 
main associated.  In  so  doing  the  vocabulary  changes 
from  biological  terms,  such  as  function,  structure, 
heredity  and   variation,    and  begins  to   make  use  of 

1  For  the  exact  meanings  attached  to  these  terms,  see  pp.  7§, 
90  and  91. 


76  SOCIOLOGY 

the  terms  social  mind,  desires,  volitions,  intellect,  con- 
sciousness and  will.1 

Of  course  as  society  is  made  up  of  individuals,  the 
phenomena  of  the  social  mind  will  very  much  resemble 
those  of  the  individual  mind.  If,  however,  they  were 
exactly  alike  there  would  be  no  need  of  a  special 
science  devoted  to  the  ps3^chological  aspects  of  sociology. 
The  sociologist  therefore  who  desires  to  emphasize  a 
social  psychology  should  be  able  to  show  that  there  are 
real  and  important  differences  between  the  fields  of 
individual  and  collective,  or  social,  psychology,  and 
that  the  latter  might  better  be  handled  by  the  sociologist 
than  by  the  psychologist. 

It  would  seem  natural  to  assume  that  every  influence 
that  affects  the  conditions  and  development  of  social 

life  should  be  classed  as  sociological.  Yet 
psTchoio       sucn   mAuences   may   rightly   also   often   be 

classed  under  some  different  scientific  head- 
ing. As  sociology  is  related  more  or  less  to  each  other 
science  in  the  series,  there  will  evidently  be  sociologi- 
cal aspects  of  each  of  these  sciences,  including  psy- 
chology. In  the  same  way  psychology,  which  has  its 
own  peculiar  field,  may  levy  contributions  of  knowl- 
edge from  the  other  sciences,  including  sociology. 
The  study  of  anthropology,  for  instance,  is  plainly 
biological,  but  in  certain  of  its  aspects  is  surely  socio- 
logical. So  likewise  the  psychology  of  the  social  group 
may  be  sociological  under  one  aspect  and  psychological 

'For  example,  see  Giddings'  "Principles  of  Sociology,"  Book 
IV,  Chapter  IV,  and  his  "Descriptive  and  Historical  Sociology," 
Part  II. 


SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY  77 

under  another.  In  general,  if  the  information  supplied 
by  any  science  is  fundamentally  psychological  it  is 
perfectly  proper  to  show  its  source  by  referring  for 
example  to  the  biological  or  the  economic  or  the 
sociological  aspects  of  psychology.  If,  however,  the 
information  is  fundamentally  sociological,  it  is  better 
to  speak  of  it  as  the  biological,  or  the  psychological 
aspect  of  sociology,  and  so  likewise  in  the  other 
sciences.  The  conventional  term  for  the  psychologi- 
cal aspects  of  sociology  is  social  psychology,  though 
psychological  sociology  would  be  and  has  been  sug- 
gested as  a  more  fitting  term.1  Differences  of  opinion, 
of  course,  may  arise  as  to  whether  a  set  of  phenomena 
belongs  primarily  to  one  or  the  other  of  two  over- 
lapping sciences,  but  such  disputes  will  be  settled  in 
time  by  common  consent. 

With  this  preliminary  explanation  we  may  proceed 
to  an  examination  of  the  classes  of  psychological  phe- 
Psychoiogi-  nomcna  to  be  observed  in  connection  with 
cai  data  for  the  social  mind.  (1)  There  is  a  mass  of  psy- 
socio  ogy.  chological  information  needed  in  sociolog- 
ical theorizing  that  plainly  should  be  supplied  by  the 
science  of  psychology  itself.  It  is  important,  for  in- 
stance, to  understand  how  sensations  from  without 
pass  into  the  mind  and  ultimately  emerge  in  the  form 
of  physical  and  psychical  activities — knowledge  in  the 
province  of  physiological  psychology.  It  is  also  im- 
portant to  understand  what  is  meant  by  the  so-called 
faculties   or  divisions   of   the  mind   and    the   relative 

1  By  Professor  Ellwood,  American  Journal  of  Sociology,  vol.  xiii, 
November,  1907,  p.  337. 


78  SOCIOLOGY 

importance  of  each,  although  this  is  clearly  within  the 
province  of  psychology.  Knowledge,  however,  in 
respect  to  the  historical  development  of  the  mind, 
beginning  with  its  simple  manifestations  in  the  lowest 
forms  of  life,  and  ending  with  the  highest  attainment 
possible,  is  really  essential  and  must  be  sought  from 
biology,  psychology  and  social  psychology.  But  knowl- 
edge of  the  principles  and  methods  of  public  education, 
though  closely  identified  with  the  psychological  group, 
is  a  social  science.  Evidently,  therefore,  there  is  a  mass 
of  knowledge  fundamentally  psychological,  yet  so  neces- 
sary in  sociology  as  to  deserve  to  be  ranked  apart  as  a 
sort  of  sociological  psychology. 

Lester  F.  Ward,  in  his  sociological  works,  has  carefully 

elaborated  much  of  this  psychological  knowledge,  and  has 

incorporated  it  into  his  theory  of  sociology. 

icaUeachT    ^n  substance  his  conclusions  are  as  follows: 

ings  of         The    historically    fundamental    part    of    the 

WaT(!'s  mind  is  the  feelings,  which  supply  to  the  indi- 
sociology.  ,  °  '  . 

vidual  and  to  society  dynamic  energy.  These 
feelings,  evolved  from  the  simple  fundamental  hunger- 
feeling  of  undifferentiated  biological  organisms,  in 
evolutionary  process  became  the  mass  of  physical, 
emotional  and  intellectual  desires  and  aspirations  now 
recognized  in  human  nature.  As  an  aid  to  the  organ- 
ism in  the  struggle  for  survival,  intellect  slowly  evolved 
as  a  guide  to  the  feelings,  first  in  its  unconscious  intui- 
tional forms,  and  then  in  its  capacity  for  semi-conscious 
or  fully  conscious  reasoning,  and  finally  into  a  grasp 
on  broad  generalization  and  a  deep  insight  into  truth. 
Applying   this   teaching  to  sociology,  he   then   argues 


SOCIAL  PSYCHOLOGY  79 

that  the  social  mind,  which  is  merely  the  generaliza- 
tion of  the  individual  minds  that  compose  the  group, 
may  be  considered  as  made  up  of  social  feelings  and 
a  social  intellect.  The  social  feelings  are  the  social 
forces,  and  ever  seek  by  activity  to  satisfy  the  cravings 
of  society.  Such  feelings  may  be  physical  or  cul- 
tural l  in  aim.  In  the  physical  society  craves  race 
survival  through  food,  and  race  continuance  through 
sexual  reproduction.  Hence  the  primary  social  activi- 
ties are  food-getting  and  mating,  and  from  these  arise 
in  due  process  secondary  physical  desires  and  also  cul- 
tural or  spiritual  desires  for  what  is  good,  beautiful 
and  true. 

If,  however,  feelings  fundamentally  dictated  activity, 
society  would  be  involved  in  a  constant  struggle  of 
conflicting  human  desires  without  harmony  except 
through  force,  and  ultimately  self-destruction  would 
ensue  through  emphasis  on  pleasure  to  the  neglect  of 
safety.  Hence  arises  by  slow  evolution  the  intellect, 
which  perceives  ways  and  means  of  attaining  ends 
and  shows  the  advantage  of  individual  self-restraint 
and  social  cooperation.  Slowly  the  social  intellect 
works  out  restraints  and  regulations,  laws  and  customs, 
ideals  and  principles,  and  guides  the  energy  of  physical 
feelings  into  higher  emotions  and  ambitions.  From 
that  time  on  society  strives  not  merely  to  satisfy  phys- 
ical feelings  but  to  gratify  also  its  desire  for  moral 
standards,  esthetic  ideals  and  intellectual  truths,  thus 
passing  from  a  physical  to  a  cultural  basis.  As  the 
intellect  gains  a  larger  place  in  the  mind,  it  becomes 

^'Spiritual  or  Sociogenetic."     See  "Pure  Sociology,"  p.  261. 


80  SOCIOLOGY 

able  to  formulate  ideals  not  simply  for  individual  guid- 
ance, but  for  social  guidance  also,  and  hence  society 
passes  into  the  stage  of  "collective  telesis"  1  and  delib- 
erately plans  out  its  future;  having  before  itself  a  goal 
for  social  energy  it  also  ascertains  the  best  methods  of 
attaining  this,  and  then  guides  the  activity  of  the  social 
feelings  or  forces  in  the  desired  direction.2 

Evidently  in  this  scheme  sociological  applications  are 
made  of  psychological  knowledge  so  as  to  enable  the 
sociological  student  to  understand  the  forces  at  work 
in  society,  the  factors  to  be  taken  into  account,  and  the 
meaning  of  the  social  will  and  the  social  intellect,  and 
their  relation  to  social  function  and  social  structure 
in  sociological  studies. 

(2)  There  is,  in  the  second  place,  another  kind  of  psycho- 
logical knowledge  that  properly  should  not  be  included 
.  .  under  the  heading  of  social  psychology.  It 
influence  of  is  the  older  form  of  what  is  commonly  known 
physical        as  economic  determinism,  and  is  the  assump- 

conditions.        .  .  ,. 

tion  that  social  mentality  is  to  a  large  extent 
determined  b}'  the  physical  conditions  of  life.  For 
instance,  there  is  the  ethnological  theory  3  that  broad- 
headed  people  (brachycephalic)  are  naturally  conserva- 
tive, and  narrow-skulled  races  (dolichocephalic)  radical 
or  progressive;  or  the  theory  that  the  air  of  the  moun- 
tain, the  sea  or  the  plain  has  a  determinative  influence 
on  mental  traits,  and  that  modifications  of  climate  or 

1  Chapter  XII,  Ward's  "Outlines  of  Sociology." 

2  See  especially  Ward's  "Psychic  Factors, "  "Pure  Sociology,"  and 
"Applied  Sociology." 

3  For  an  interesting  study  of  such  theories,  see  Rinley's  "Races 
of  Europe,"  vol.  i. 


SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY  81 

seasonal  changes  1  produce  corresponding  changes  in 
character  and  social  activities.  Akin  to  this  is  the 
common  observation  that  each  trade  or  profession 
tends  to  develop  a  distinct  mental  type  that  properly 
should  be  charged  to  the  economic  conditions  of  life. 
Such  studies,  interesting  in  themselves,  are  fundamentally 
ethnological  or  economic  in  their  psychology,  and  while 
the  conclusions  reached  are  of  import  for  sociology,  they 
are  not  primarily  sociological  in  the  sense  that  their 
investigation  becomes  the  business  of  the  sociologist 
and  should  be  included  within  the  field  of  social  psy- 
chology. 

(3)  Suppose  we  assume  the  existence  of  a  society  devel- 
oped into  a  static  civilization.     As  each  new  generation 

is  born  it  comes  into  contact  with  what  may 
pressure       be    ca^e^   the    social    mind.     Customs    and 

beliefs  are  fixed,  standards  are  unchanging, 
and  social  activities  of  all  sorts  are  performed  accord- 
ing to  an  unvarying  routine.  The  individuals  of  each 
generation  have  at  birth  their  special  variations  and 
potential  *es,  but  the  social  mind,  through  its  numerous 
institutions  such  as  family  and  religion,  is  steadily 
moulding  into  the  social  type  the  varying  individuali- 
ties subject  to  its  influences.  By  the  time  maturity 
is  attained,  the  generation  conforms  to  the  standards, 
variations  either  lie  dormant  or  have  been  suppressed, 
and  the  psychological  process  has  been  completed. 
This  is  a  simple  and  natural  illustration  of  social  imi- 
tation and  social  pressure.  In  the  course  of  centuries 
slight  modifications  in  social  standards  may  creep  in, 

'See  or  this  topic  Dexter's  "Weather  Influences." 


82  SOCIOLOGY. 

a  genetic  development  thus  taking  place;  but  these 
changes  are  unintended,  accidental,  and  are  determined 
by  the  insensible  modifications  in  physical  and  economic 
conditions.  There  is  therefore  a  static,  genetic  form 
of  psycho-sociological  phenomena,  in  which  the  empha- 
sis throughout  is  placed  on  the  silent  pressure  exerted 
by  practically  fixed  social  institutions,  and  the  cooper- 
ating effect  of  natural  physical  and  economic  conditions. 
Preeminently  it  is  the  influence  of  the  social  mind  as 
a  unit  acting  on  the  individual,  and  crushing  out  his 
variable  personality  by  the  sheer  weight  of  a  dominant 
public  opinion.  It  is  the  best  illustration  of  the  familiar 
saying,  "The  voice  of  the  people  is" as  the  voice  of  God." 
When  the  voice  speaks  and  the  will  is  expressed,  opposi- 
tion vanishes  like  a  flash,  unable  to  draw  breath  against 
omnipotence. 

(4)  Suppose,  however,  that  in  this  static  paradise  pow- 
erful dynamic  changes  should  arise  either  through  war, 
migration  or  fundamental  economic  changes, 1 
friction         there  would  at  once  arise  out  of  heretofore 
dormant  personalities  new  ideals  *and  stan- 
dards that  would  compete  with  the  old.     This  is  social 
conflict;    it  is  social  mind  against  social  mind,  and  the 
result  of  it  may  be  the  suppression  of  one  or  the  other, 
or  the  modification  of  each  by  amalgamation.     But  how 
would  this  result  be  accomplished?     In  the  first  place 
a  powerful  personality  might  arise,  who  with  the  eye 
of  genius  would  see  the  trend  of  the  times  and  by  his 
psychic  energy  rally  about  him  many  who  would  adopt 
his  views  and  propagate  them  throughout  the   com- 
1  See  pages  70,  71. 


SOCIAL  PSYCHOLOGY  83 

munity.  Or  again,  a  powerful  class  might  arise  identi- 
fied by  interest  with  the  new  order  of  things,  and  this 
body  would  attract  to  itself  many  who  are  ever  eager 
to  be  on  the  side  of  power  and  influence. 

In  these  illustrations  we  see  a  sort  of  social  hypnotism. 
Ordinary  minds  are  easily  impressed  by  power,  and 
Psychology  wncn  they  come  in  contact  with  a  genius 
of  the  or  vigorous  class  interests    or    an    emotion- 

moved  mass  of  individuals,  their  passive 
minds  become  suggestible,  and  they  readily  adopt  the 
standards  and  beliefs  of  those  who  dominate  their 
personalities.  Hence  we  may  have  such  sociological 
studies  as  the  psychology  of  the  mob,  the  crowd,  the 
religious  revival,  the  cure  of  sickness  through  relics  or 
suggestion,  the  orator's  power  and  the  prestige  of  a 
dominant  class.  This  is  one  of  the  most  important 
branches  of  social  psychology,  for  the  average  mind  is 
as  a  rule  automatic  and  unreasoning  in  most  of  its 
activities  and  hence  is  easily  suggestible.  It  takes  its 
tone  from  the  great  man,  the  orator,  the  revivalist,  the 
persuasive  salesman  or  the  seductive  advertisement;  it 
is  easily  induced  to  laugh  with  the  humorist,  to  weep 
with  the  suffering,  to  yell  at  a  ball  game  or  to  join  in  a 
lynching.  It  is  good  with  the  virtuous,  low  with  the 
vicious,  acquires  bodily  illness  by  social  contagion  in 
times  of  epidemic,  and  is  hypnotically  cured  by  sug- 
gestion from  a  trusted  or  a  powerful  personality. 
Every  public  speaker,  teacher,  minister,  physician  or 
salesman  acquires  empirically  some  knowledge  of  these 
principles  in  social  psychology,  but  a  careful  study  of 
them  would  give  more  effectiveness,  and  social  control 


84  SOCIOLOGY 

would  become  much  more  scientific,  if  they  were  syste- 
matically taught.1 

It  may  be  noted  that  in  the  preceding  illustration 
while  conditions  were  dynamic,  development  was  still 
Changes  genetic,  not  telic.  For  the  mental  changes 
through  effected  were  brought  about  by  persons  in 
iscussion.  ^.jle  pUrslu^  0f  their  own  interests,  or  through 
unconscious  social  imitation,  or  through  the  suggesti- 
bility of  the  weak  when  dominated  by  the  powerful. 
There  is  a  third  possibility  also,  namely,  that  develop- 
ment under  dynamic  conditions  would  become  socially 
telic,  not  genetic. 

Mental  changes  accomplished  by  genetic  growth  are 
slow  in  development  and  are  often  variable  and  weak, 
because  ordinary  minds  readily  respond  to  temporary 
influences  and  blow  hot  or  cold  by  turns.  Really  per- 
manent mental  changes  must  be  deliberately  hammered 
into  the  heads  of  mentally  capable  persons,  the  natural 
leaders  of  society,  whose  beliefs  and  standards  will  be 
followed  by  the  mass  in  any  case  through  suggestion 
and  imitation.  This  result  may  be  accomplished  by 
either  one  of  two  methods,  discussion  or  education. 
In  static  civilization  discussion  is  unnecessary  for 
there  is  nothing  of  moment  to  discuss.  All  are  of  the 
same  opinion  in  respect  to  important  matters,  and  dis- 
cussion can  arise  only  about  trivialities.  These,  of 
course,  may  be  debated  eagerly  and  even  with  rancor, 

1  As  illustrations  of  such  studies,  note  the  following:  Gustave 
Le  Bon,  "The  Crowd,"  "The  Psychology  of  Peoples,"  "The  Psy- 
chology of  Socialism";  F.  M.  Davenport,  "Primitive  Traits  in  Re- 
ligious Revivals";  Boris  Sidis,  "The  Psychology  of  Suggestion." 


SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY  85 

but  no  important  effect  follows  from  a  decision  either 
way.  Static  religions  furnish  historically  many  illus- 
trations of  the  ease  with  which  learned  men  who  have 
no  other  field  for  their  ingenuity  may  write  ponderous 
volumes  on  the  distinction  between  tweedle-durn.  and 
tweedle-clee.  But  suppose  the  rise  of  a  dominating 
personality  who  has  thought  out  new  and  truer  intel- 
lectual standards.  He  may  easily  rally  to  his  support 
many  of  the  thoughtless,  as  already  explained,  but  for 
permanent  success  he  realizes  that  he  must  convince 
the  intelligent. 

Then  arises  the  "age  of  discussion."  l    He  advances 
his  views;    a  chorus  of  dissent  follows;    he  reiterates 

with  increasing  emphasis;  his  opponents 
Discussion "  §row   excited    in    their   replies,    but   a   few 

begin  to  hesitate;  discussion  rages  in  all 
directions  and  spreads  by  social  contagion  to  the  masses, 
who  in  sage  debate  at  street  corners  or  other  social 
centers  solemnly  reach  the  same  conclusions  attained 
by  their  leaders.  When  the  ardor  of  discussion  has 
passed,  the  new  leader  has  an  intellectual  following, 
who  with  the  zeal  of  converts  propagate  his  views  as 
translated  by  their  own  mentalities.  Slowly  the  leaven 
leavens  the  whole  lump,  the  opposition  yields  point 
after  point,  or  is  silenced,  and  finally  the  newer  view  has 
become  the  accepted  standard.  Often  this  process  is 
hastened  by  a  sudden  discovery  that  the  new  was 
really  old,  having  been  taught  centuries  ago  by  great 
teachers  or  implied  in  their  doctrines.  This  soothes 
the  sting  of   defeat;   the  new  is  really   old,   there   is 

1  See  Bagehot,  "Physics  and  Politics,"  Chapter  V. 


86  SOCIOLOGY 

"nothing  new  under  the  sun,"  all  repeat,  and  are 
happy. 

Or  again,  in  place  of  open  warfare  by  discussion, 
which  is  often  dangerous  and  leads  to  martyrdom,  a 
Change  would-be  reformer  quietly  gathers  about  him 
through  eager  youth  who  show  intellectual  capacity 
e  ucation.  an(j  teaches  them  his  doctrines;  these  in 
their  turn  teach  others,  avoiding  open  debate  and 
perhaps  even  conforming  outwardly  to  accepted  teach- 
ings. More  slowly,  but  as  surely,  if  the  newer  teaching 
is  truer  and  wiser  for  the  age,  it  sinks  into  social  con- 
sciousness, and  in  due  process  of  time  is  part  of  the 
accepted  teaching  of  society,  having  supplanted  its  rival 
under  the  law  of  the  survival  of  the  fit. 

In  the  same  way  might  be  cited  many  other  illustra- 
tions of  social  friction,  which  develops  whenever  dif- 
ferences in  standards  arise  in  a  community; 

The  clash         ■,  u  ■>  ,      i  e     ,- 

of  interests  c  ass  may  "e  arraved  against  class,  tactions 
and  sects  in  politics  and  religion  against  one 
another,  powerful  personalities  may  be  led  into  opposition 
through  differing  interests,  or  nations  in  their  careers 
of  conquest  may  endeavor  to  compel  conquered  peoples 
to  conform  in  their  civilization  to  the  demands  of  the 
conqueror,  as  is  the  case  to-day  in  Ireland,  Poland, 
Finland,  Alsace-Lorraine,  India  and  Korea.  The  phe- 
nomena in  such  struggles  are  practically  uniform,  if 
varying  conditions  are  taken  into  account;  racial 
experience  is  large  and  laws  and  principles  are  so  well 
understood,  that  it  has  now  become  possible  to  work  out  a 
telic  policy  which  reduces  social  friction  to  a  minimum. 
The  newer  age  will  be  marked  by  telic  applications  of 


SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY  87 

sociological  principles  to  the  social  struggles  in  society, 
with  the  aim  of  harmonizing  the  conflicting  interests 
and  standards  of  life. 

(5)  Attention  has  already  been  called  to  a  simple  form 
of  social  imitation,  viz.  when  each  new  generation  in 
Semi-con-  a  s^a^ic  civilization  automatically  adopts 
scious  the  customs  and  beliefs  of  its  ancestors.  A 
imitation.      jegg  sta^]e  form  js  developed  when  through 

suggestion  from  recognized  leaders  or  the  prestige 
of  a  powerful  class,  whole  populations  or  masses  of 
human  beings  tend  to  imitate  the  fads,  fashions  and 
standards  of  the  leaders  or  class  patterned  after.  As 
these  change  periodically,  the  imitation  is  not  uncon- 
scious but  yet  is  based  on  an  unreflecting  form  of 
imitation.  It  is  semi-conscious  and  is  determined  in 
the  main  by  social  suggestion  and  mass  response. 
Fashions  in  dress  for  both  sexes  vary  at  regular  inter- 
vals; the  bicycle  fad  is  followed  by  the  automobile, 
which  in  its  turn  may  be  followed  by  aerial  or  sub- 
marine navigation;  reforms  appear  in  waves,  and  new 
sports  come  and  go,  lending  variety  to  the  national 
game.  The  prevalence  of  these  imitative  fads  in  the 
United  States  is  probably  due  to  the  influence  of  the 
newspaper  and  the  skill  of  advertisers,  both  of  which 
are  more  fully  developed  as  social  agencies  in  this 
country  than  anywhere  else  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

(6)  There  is,  however,  a  higher  typei  conscious  or 
rational  imitation,  which  may  be  observed  when  an 
intelligent  man  or  a  class  or  a  society,  studies  the 
differing  systems  and  standards  about  him,  and  con- 
sciously, after  reflection,  chooses  to  imitate  something 


88  SOCIOLOGY 

better  than  what  he  or  it  has  already  attained.  This 
represents  the  highest  order  of  imitation  and  is  found 
at  its  best  in  highly  civilized  groups  who 
imitation3  reahze  the  importance  of  having  at  their 
command  the  newer  knowledge  of  the  times. 
Illustrations  of  conscious  imitation  are  becoming 
increasingly  familiar  through  the  custom  of  employ- 
ing commissions  or  congresses,  local,  national  or  inter- 
national, to  study  out  by  comparison  and  reflection 
the  most  suitable  policy  for  a  proposed  activity.  Sec- 
ondly, in  the  rapid  adoption  of  material  and  cultural 
achievements  made  by  nations  other  than  the  imitator, 
and  thirdly,  through  the  growing  use  of  great  national 
conventions,  such  as  those  gathered  under  the  initiative 
of  the  National  Civic  Federation,  convened  for  the  pur- 
pose of  exchanging  ideas  and  agreeing  on  a  proper 
policy  in  respect  to  the  subject  under  discussion.  Such 
policies  when  formulated  receive  the  support  and  assent 
of  many  thoughtful  persons,  who  accept  the  decision 
made  by  the  whole  body  even  though  it  may  differ  in 
detail  from  their  own  conclusions. 

From  such  studies  of  the  several  classes  of  psycho- 
sociological  phenomena  arise  the  processes  of  socialization 
and  social  control.     Dr.  Edward  A.   Ross,1 
control  m  n*s  excen"eirk  work  entitled  "Social  Con- 

trol," shows  the  several  factors  and  agencies 
to  be  taken  into  account  when  one  considers  the  mould- 
ing influences  of  society.  The  sociologist  is  interested 
in  seeking  to  make  so  clear  the  principles  involved  in 
social  control  that  society  may  definitely  and  thought- 
1  See  also  his  "Social  Psychology." 


SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY  89 

fully  plan  to  make  its  control  more  effective  by  elimi- 
nating as  far  as  possible  lower  and  inefficient  social 
activities,  and  lending  encouragement  and  aid  to  those 
agencies  that  build  up  powerful  social  forces,  and  intel- 
lects capable  of  controlling  these  for  social  purposes. 
In  so  doing  the  members  of  society  become  socialized 
in  that  they  become  sympathetic  one  with  another  and 
learn  the  art  of  cooperative  activity.  This  process  of 
socialization,  not  in  the  sense  of  the  simple  imitation 
of  static  civilization,  but  through  the  agencies  of^ 
rational  suggestion  and  imitation,  will  be  an  end  ever 
to  be  kept  in  mind  bj'  the  student  of  social  psychology. 
As  society  therefore  grows  more  self-conscious  and  more 
rational  in  its  methods,  the  study  of  the  interaction 
of  society  and  its  members  will  become  increasingly 
important.  For  this  reason  it  seems  clear  that  when 
psychological  phenomena  arise  as  the  result  of  con- 
flicting standards  in  social  life,  or  as  the  result  of  the 
predominance  of  an  individual  standard  over  a  group, 
or  a  group  standard  over  individuals,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  specialize  such  studies  as  a  separate  science 
and  to  consider  it  as  a  part  of  sociology,  since  this  has 
taken  as  its  province  social  phenomena,  and  seeks  to 
understand  the  social  forces  so  as  to  promote  a  con- 
structive policy  in  social  development. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS » 

Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  distinc- 
tion between  the  civilization  and  achievement  of  ani- 
inteiiect  as  mals  and  of  man.2  The  animal,  it  will  be 
a  social  remembered,  accomplishes  its  results  in  the 
main  automatically  and  instinctively;  man, 
on  the  other  hand,  achieves  through  reason  and 
for  the  accomplishment  of  a  definite  purpose  in  the 
mind.  A  similar  distinction  should  be  made  be- 
tween the  instinctive  feelings  and  interests  of  the 
animal  and  the  reasoned  basis  for  the  activities  of  the 
man.  All  of  the  higher  animals,  including  man,  instinc- 
tively act  under  the  stimulus  of  the  primary  feelings 
of  hunger  and  love.  The  promptings  of  hunger  and 
sexual  appetite  are  imperious  and  must  be  satisfied 
at  all  hazards  as  long  as  they  are  mere  instincts.  But 
in  man's  case,  at  least,  his  intellect  slowly  develops  as 
a  factor  in  the  situation,  and  becomes  a  guide  to  these 
primitive  impulses.     It  checks  and  regulates,  or  even 

1  In  illustration  of  many  points  in  the  discussion  contained  in  the 
chapters  under  this  heading,  note  the  following  as  typical  references: 
E.  Westermarck,  "Origin  and  Growth  of  the  Moral  Ideas,"  2  vols.; 
L.  T.  Hobhouse,  "Morals  in  Evolution,"  2  vols.;  W.  G.  Sumner, 
"Folkways";  and  Dewey  and  Tufts,  "Ethics." 

3  Pages  58,  59. 

90 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS       91 

suppresses  them  as  in  voluntary  fasting  and  celibacy, 
so  as  to  accomplish  other  conflicting  purposes  sug- 
gested by  the  mind.  Sociologically  speaking,  there- 
fore, it  is  important  to  understand  how  the  intellect  of 
man  has  been  able  to  guide  and  control  these  funda- 
mental feelings,  and  how  economic  and  domestic  institu- 
tions have  arisen  and  developed  in  the  process.  From 
these  two  primitive  and  fundamental  human  impulses  or 
desires  have  probably  differentiated  all  the  other  human 
feelings  and  wants,  and  these  in  their  turn  have  come 
under  the  guidance  of  the  intellect,  with  the  resultant 
development  of  appropriate  social  institutions  for  cultural 
purposes.  In  this  way  the  bond  of  connection  among 
all  social  institutions  is  found  by  noting  their  inter- 
relationship and  their  filiation,  by  tracing  their  deriva- 
tion from  the  two  fundamental  appetites  and  their 
corresponding  institutions. 

This  unity  of  social  institutions  may  be  shown  in 
many  ways,  and  sociologists  are  not  yet  agreed  as 
The  unity  ^o  which  system  of  classification  best  in- 
of  social  dicates  it :  whether  of  social  institutions, 
institutions.  phenomena>  forces  or  interests.  For  instance, 
all  fundamental  social  institutions  may  be  listed  and 
arranged  in  some  order,  either  that  of  historical  devel- 
opment or  of  logical  connection  or  of  filiation,  and 
then  their  secondary  or  derived  institutions  shown  as 
subordinate  to  these.  Or  again,  social  phenomena  or 
activities  may  be  arranged  under  appropriate  headings 
and  put  in  some  definite  order  as  in  the  case  of  insti- 
tutions. If  psychological  influences  are  strong,  instead 
of  fixing  attention  on  institutions  or  phenomena,  the 


92  SOCIOLOGY 

fundamental  feelings  or  desires  or  the  interests  that 
may  exist  in  the  mind  as  the  result  of  reflection  are 
listed  and  arranged  in  proper  order.1 

In  deciding  on  the  number  and  relative  importance 
of  the  fundamental  forces  or  institutions  listed,  there 
are  naturally  variations  and  modifications  due  to  the 
varying  personalities  of  the  several  writers  and  their 
special  modes'  of  interpretation,  but  they  all  practically 
agree  in  showing  the  inherent  unity  of  social  institu- 
tions and  the  basal  importance  of  those  that  grow  out 
of  attempts  to  satisfy  physical  wants  and  needs.  This 
unity  of  the  social  organism  and  its  evolution  from 
the  simple  activities  of  primitive  social  organization 
are  important  sociological  teachings  and  should  be 
made  clear,  first  by  a  brief  statement  of  the  meaning 
of  the  term  social  institution,  and  then  by  an  exposi- 
tion of  the  rise  and  development  of  the  most  important 
social  institutions. 

It  may  be  assumed  as  self-evident  that  every  indi- 
vidual or  social  action  is  dictated  by  some  dominant 
A  social  in-  feelmS>  desire  or  emotion,  and  that  these 
stitution  actions  unitedly  make  up  the  field  of  phe- 
e  e  '  nomena  of  individual  and  social  activities. 
These  actions,  of  course,  may  be  the  result  of  con- 
scious or  of  instinctive,  unconscious  wants  in  the 
human  or  social  organism.  If  the  social  wants  are 
permanent,  there  arise  definite  and  orderly  modes  of 
activity,  which  collectively  make  up  the  social  institu- 
tion.    Thus  in  primitive  life  the  need  for  food  stimu- 

1  For  illustrations  of  these,  see  Ross,  "Foundations  of  Sociology." 
p.  165  et  seq. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS       93 

lated  men  to  activity  in  hunting, 'and  by  a  rude  sort  of 
reasoning  based  on  experience,  hunting  in  combination 
was  seen  to  be  advantageous.  The  customary  methods 
of  the  hunt  used  by  the  hunting-band  resulted  in  the 
formulation  of  definite  rules  and  regulations  of  procedure. 
Hence  in  the  growth  of  the  institution  of  the  hunting- 
band  one  may  note  the  need  or  longing  for  food,  reason- 
ing as  to  methods,  the  formulation  of  regulations,  a 
definite  organization  and  group  activities.  Whenever, 
therefore,  human  groups  are  driven  by  permanent 
desires  to  activity,  there  will  regularly  develop  social 
institutions  as  a  means  and  an  aid  to  the  satisfaction 
of  their  desires;  these  social  institutions  may  develop 
almost  automatically  under  the  spur  of  necessity,  or 
they  may  develop  under  the  guidance  of  the  intellect, 
and  thus  become  susceptible  of  constant  modification, 
varying  according  to  the  reasoning  capacity  of  the 
group.  The  structure  of  the  institution  may  remain 
apparently  fixed,  but  its  partb  and  the  energy  of  it 
may  undergo  many  modifications  under  the  pressure 
of  dynamic  civilization.  Marriage  and  government,  for 
instance,  as  social  institutions,  are  among  the  earliest 
achievements  of  civilization,  but  in  detail  and  spirit 
these  institutions  present  historically  such  wide  varia- 
tions as  to  seem  at  times  almost  like  new  creations. 
Yet  in  essence  they  are  the  same  now  as  they  were  thou- 
sands of  years  ago :  in  the  one  case  is  involved  a  regula- 
tion of  human  sexual  relations,  in  the  other  a  regula- 
tion of  human  warfare  and  economic  struggle. 

It  is  a  recognized  fact l  that  social  institutions  as 

1  For  illustrations,  see  Ward's  "Pure  Sociology,"  pp.  53-59. 


94  SOCIOLOGY 

they  develop  seem  to  follow  a  definite  sequence  which 
varies  with  environing  conditions  and  the  stage  of  men- 
The  law  in  tality  attained  by  the  group.  The  essential 
develop-  unity  of  the  human  mind  in  its  processes 
ment*  may   inversely  be   shown  from    a   study  of 

the  development  of  social  institutions.  If,  for  in- 
stance, men  are  similarly  situated  in  respect  to  con- 
ditions of  life  and  mental  development,  they  will 
tend  to  develop  similar  institutions  even  though  the 
groups  are  separated  by  thousands  of  miles.  Hence 
the  anthropologist  and  the  ethnologist  find  many  par- 
allelisms in  customs,  institutions  and  traits  of  human 
character  among  races  widely  apart  but  similarly  sit- 
uated. This  truth  is  one  aspect  of  the  so-called  eco- 
nomic interpretation  of  history;  one  may  assume 
that  two  races  living  under  similar  economic  conditions 
for  several  generations  will  tend  to  develop  the  same 
kind  of  social  institutions;  e.  g.  the  same  types  of 
domestic,  religious  and  political  organizations.  The 
longer  such  conditions  remain  constant,  the  more 
closely  the  institutions  will  approximate  toward  com- 
mon types.  This  principle,  of  course,  will  seem  tfaer 
in  simple  civilization.  The  complexity  of  advanced 
civilization  introduces  wider  variations  and  retains  more 
survivals  from  earlier  stages. 

The  development  of  social  institutions  can  be  studied 
also  from  the  standpoint  of  their  relationship  one  to 
another.  The  necessity  of  assuming  the  economic  as 
the  fundamental  social  institution  is  clear.  Men  must 
eat,  and  strenuous  toil  is  necessary  even  yet  for  the 
mass   of    mankind   to   obtain   sufficient   food.     Hence 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS       95 

economic  institutions  are  primary  in  social  theorizing. 

Next  to  this  in  fundamental  order  is  the  sexual  impulse 

or    desire -for    mating.     As    civilization   ad- 

Fihation  and  . 

relationship  vanced,  this  natural  feeling  became  subject 
of  social  in-   ^0  sociai  regulation  and  developed  the  insti- 

stitutions.  .  ..,     ,  ,        .  ,  .  .  .        . 

tutions  typified  by  formal  marriage  and  legal 
kinship.  As  human  beings  gradually  become  associ- 
ated for  the  purpose  of  preserving  and  continuing  life, 
in  addition  to  the  organization  of  the  hunting-band 
and  the  family  group,  there  came  with  growing  intel- 
lectuality organizations  for  the  observance  of  religious 
ceremonies  and  for  offense  and  defense — the  begin- 
nings of  the  state.  In  connection  with  all  of  these 
grew  up  a  mass  of  custom  and  tradition  representing 
the  morals  of  the  horde,  which  was  passed  on  from 
generation  to  generation  by  social  imitation,  though 
formal  instruction  in  the  most  important  matters  was 
given  to  the  young.  Again  the  development  of  esthetic 
feelings  necessitated  esthetic  institutions  for  perpetuat- 
ing the  standards  of  beauty  and  harmony  recognized 
by  the  social  group.  What  little  philosophizing  was  done 
in  those  days  was  fanciful  reasoning  about  the  powers 
and  phenomena  of  nature;  it  was  veiled  in  legends  and 
myths,  and  was  chiefly  identified  with  religious  specu- 
lations. At  a  later  period  philosophy  and  rudimentary 
science  were  differentiated,  developing  their  own  meth- 
ods apart  from  religious  speculation.  Thus  one  may 
trace  in  early  civilization  the  slow  rise  and  develop- 
ment of  economic,  domestic,  political,  religious,  moral, 
esthetic  and  educational  institutions,  with  their  numer- 
ous derived  and  secondary  institutions,  and  so  have  in 


96  SOCIOLOGY 

mind  a  picture  of  human  development  which  must  be 
of  great  assistance  to  a  proper  understanding  of  human 
history  and  thought. 

The  study  of  the  development  of  social  institutions, 
so  well  begun  by  Spencer,1  covers  a  wide  field  to-day 
in  sociological  investigation,  and  the  results  are  con- 
tained in  numerous  works.  As  it  is,  however,  impor- 
tant in  anticipation  of  later  chapters  that  the  socio- 
logical process  of  development  be  comprehended  at 
least  in  its  fundamentals,  the  chief  points  in  respect  to 
the  development  of  certain  of  the  great  classes  of  social 
institutions  will  be  explained  from  the  standpoint  of 
sociology,  emphasizing,  as  most  important,  dynamic 
changes  and  the  rationalizing  of  the  institutions  them- 
selves. 

I.     Economic  Development 

There  is  a  school  of  sociologists  that  tends  to  empha- 
size the  supreme  importance  of  natural  physical  con- 
influence  of  ditions  as  determining  social  development, 
natural  From  Plato  to  Buckle  writers  have  called 
conditions.    attention   to   tne    influence   of   climate,    the 

fertility  of  the  soil,  the  necessity  of  mining-wealth 
and  of  commercial  facilities  in  the  form  of  good 
harbors  and  navigable  rivers,  and,  for  manufactures, 
natural  energy  such  as  falling  water  available  for 
power.  The  argument  is  that  man  is  largely  the 
creature  of  his  physical  environment,  and  some  by 
implication  seem  to  assume  that  he  has  no  control 
over  it.     The  tendency  to-day  is  to  admit  the  force  of 

1  See  pages  51,  52. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS       97 

the  principle,  but  to  deny  the  implication.  From  the 
moment  when  man  began  to  achieve,  and  pass  from 
savagery  to  civilization  he  began  to  modify  his  physical 
environment.  He  modifies  climate  by  clothing  and 
housing,  he  adds  to  the  productivity  of  the  soil  by 
right  cultivation  and  by  fertilizers;  if  good  ports  or 
rivers  are  lacking  he  digs  harbors  and  transports  his 
goods  on  canals  or  railways;  if  natural  power  in  its 
older  forms  is  insufficient  he  utilizes  other  forces  of 
nature  by  the  scientific  development  of  steam  and 
electricity;  and  if  his  own  region  fails  to  supply  him 
with  ores,  he  imports  them  from  his  neighbors.  In 
other  words,  while  man  is  largely  determined  by  his 
environment,  social  as  well  as  physical,  he  himself 
decides  by  intellectual  processes  what  environment  he 
desires  to  be  subjected  to,  and  then  deliberately  seeks 
to  create  about  him  such  an  environment. 

This  he  may  do  by  the  simple  expedient  of  migration, 
and  early  human  history  is  one  long  record  of  the 
migrations  of  peoples  from  less  favored  to 
asTfactor  more  favored  parts  of  the  earth.  Migration 
in  its  peaceable  form,  and  subject  to  inter- 
national regulation,  is  still  a  prominent  factor  in  civiliza- 
tion. The  distinction  between  the  old  and  the  new  may 
be  readily  seen  by  comparing  C&sar's  treatment  of  migrat- 
ing Helvetians  and  Germans,  with  the  American  recep- 
tion of  immigrants  at  Ellis  Island,  New  York.  Migra- 
tion, however,  is  a  temporary  expedient  and  in  civilizing 
influence  is  low  in  grade  when  compared  with  read- 
justments within  the  social  group  so  as  to  meet  satis- 
factorily newer  conditions.     Migration  on  a  large  scale 


98  SOCIOLOGY 

is  looked  on  with  decreasing  favor,  and  each  state 
henceforth  will  probably  tend  to  retain  its  own  popu- 
lation, as  its  most  valuable  asset,  by  proper  readjust- 
ments of  its  economic  system. 

If  economic  development  depends  so  largely  on  the 

physical  conditions  already  alluded  to,  it  is  easy  to  see 

that  the  economic  history  of  man  could  be 

The  demand    v  1  .•         i-  •  ■-       j. 

for  foods  shown  by  noting  his  increasing  capacity  to 
dictate  the  kind  of  physical  environment 
under  which  he  desires  to  live.  Now  the  fundamental 
economic  desire  is  the  demand  for  food.  Man  must 
eat  to  live  and  hence  the  fundamental  and  most  impor- 
tant human  activity  is  the  search  for  foods.  A  person 
well  supplied  with  nourishing  food  has  a  good  basis 
for  all  other  forms  of  development.  No  race  poorly 
fed  on  improper  food  can  make  any  great  social  advance. 
A  variety  of  good  foods  regularly  supplied  and  wisely 
used  is  a  social  necessity.  Unquestionably  we  are  just 
passing  into  a  more  scientific  period  in  respect  to  food 
supplies.  Science  will  yet  dictate  the  kinds  and  quan- 
tity of  food  needed  for  high  development.  Meanwhile 
faddists,  "poison  squads"  and  pure  food  laws  show 
the  trend  of  the  times  toward  a  better  comprehension 
of  what  constitutes  a  scientific  food. 

In  primitive  days,  however,  men  were  more  deeply 
concerned  with  the  quantity  than  with  the  quality  of 
food.  When  food  was  abundant  they  gorged, 
oMoods1^6  at  otner  times  they  starved;  fresh  or  putrid, 
raw  or  cooked,  coarse  or  delicate,  vegetable, 
animal  or  human,  all  was  promptly  transferred  to  their 
stomachs.     It  was  a  great  advance  when  men  began  to 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS      99 

exercise  forethought  by  forbearing  to  eat  all  on  hand, 
having  learned  how  to  dry  foods  in  the  sun  and  so  to 
preserve  them  against  times  of  scarcity.  An  echo  of 
this  achievement  belongs  to  our  generation,  when 
through  the  development  of  the  canning  industry  and 
of  the  process  of  making  artificial  ice,  the  refrigerator 
car  and  steamer,  and  the  cold-storage  plant  became 
possible,  thus  largely  increasing  our  capacity  to  pre- 
serve for  long  periods  perishable  foods.  Because  of 
these  developments  the  tropics  will  furnish  to  the 
temperate  zones  increasingly  larger  stores  of  fruits  and 
flesh  foods,  and  become  thereby  the  center  of  a  great 
economic  activity.1 

Another  achievement  was  made  when,  whether  by 
chance  or  intention,  animals  were  domesticated,  prob- 
Nomadism  a^^  through  woman's  ingenuity  and  desire 
and  agri-  for  an  assured  food  supply  for  her  children. 
The  economic  importance  of  this  is  easily 
seen.  In  the  dog,  man  had  an  assistant  in  the  chase 
and  if  necessary  a  food  supply;  beasts  of  burden 
served  a  double  function  as  means  of  transporta- 
tion and  as  food;  other  animals  were  used  to  furnish 
milk,  cheese,  butter,  flesh  foods  and  clothing.  From 
that  time  on  the  hunt  ceased  to  be  the  chief  means  of 
support,  and  became  secondary  to  the  breeding  and 
care  of  flocks  and  herds,  so  that  men  no  longer  needed 
to  starve  through  the  winter,  since  they  could  subsist 
on  the  abundant  food  supplies  in  their  folds.  Evi- 
dently this  meant  a  revolution  in  industrial  life. 
Instead  of  the  wild  free  life  of  the  hunter  came  a  com- 

1  See  Kidd,  "The  Control  of  the  Tropics." 


100  SOCIOLOGY 

pact  group  with  definite  occupations,  skilled  in  defend- 
ing their  wealth  against  wild  beasts  and  hungry  out- 
siders. The  story  of  Jacob  and  Esau  illustrates  the 
conflict  between  these  two  occupations,  just  as  the 
legend  of  Cain  and  Abel  illustrates  the  antagonism 
between  the  pastoral  and  the  agricultural.  For  as 
time  passed  on,  and  population  increased  faster  than 
the  land  afforded  substance  for  cattle,  men  were  com- 
pelled unwillingly  to  devote  themselves  assiduously  to 
the  irksome  task  of  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  The 
horror  of  daily  and  monotonous  labor  seemed  a  curse 
to  them,1  and  the  uncertainty  as  to  whether  they 
should  reap  what  they  sowed  acted  as  a  drag  to  their 
energy.  It  required  much  patience  and  forethought 
laboriously  to  till  the  earth  and  then  to  wait  weeks 
and  months  for  returns.  A  new  type  of  occupation,  a 
new  type  of  man  and  a  more  compact  civilization  were 
the  results.  It  was  through  farming  that  men  learned 
the  secret  of  hard,  unremitting  toil,  patience,  hopeful- 
ness, forethought  and  stability,  and  passed  definitely 
from  the  flesh  diet  of  nomadism  to  vegetative  foods. 
In  primitive  civilization  the  males  by  hunting  supplied 
flesh  foods,  and  the  females  armed  with  the  digging 
stick,  ancestor  of  the  spade  and  the  hoe,  secured  vege- 
tables as  supplementary  foods.  In  pastoral  life  the 
flesh  of  animals  still  furnished  the  staple  food  which 
was  supplemented  by  natural  fruits  and  by  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  rude  agriculture  performed  by  the  women; 
but  with  increase  of  population  and  a  larger  consequent 
demand  for  food  of  all  kinds,  the  supply  of  flesh  foods 
1  Genesis  iii,  17. 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     101 

became  relatively  smaller,  and  edible  grains  became 
the  staff  of  life.  Then  the  males  had  to  assist  in  the 
cultivation  of  the  fields  and  to  forswear  to  a  large  extent 
the  more  favored  occupations  of  hunting,  shepherding 
their  flocks  or  warring  with  their  neighbors.  Casar 
and  Tacitus  give  us  amusing  accounts  of  our  barbarian 
Teutonic  ancestors,  dwelling  on  their  small  love  for 
agriculture  and  specifying  as  their  favorite  amusements 
eating,  drinking,  hunting  and  fighting. 

Fortunately,    perhaps,    the    reason   of   man   hit   on 
a  happy  device  whereby  some  at  least  might  escape 
the  hated  drudgery  of  daily  toil.     In  early  ' 
slaver  ^ays    man-hunting    for    cannibalistic    pur- 

poses had  been  a  favorite  amusement,  com- 
bining profit  with  pleasure.  As,  however,  the  taste 
for  human  flesh  declined,  massacre  and  torture  of 
captives  took  its  place,  women  and  children  alone 
being  sometimes  saved  for  slavery.1  Later  it  was 
perceived  that  the  male  also  might  be  spared  and 
compelled  under  the  lash  to  perform  laborious  toil  for 
his  master.  Thus  arose  the  institution  of  slavery,  as 
a  substitute  for  cannibalism,  massacre  and  torture,  and 
hence  in  its  beginnings  a  benevolent  institution,  if  we 
assume  that  to  the  slave  compulsory  labor  was  better 
than  a  painful  death.  At  any  rate  all  over  the  world 
wherever  men  had  drudgery  and  enemies,  these  latter 
were  enslaved  if  possible  and  forced  to  labor.  An  eco- 
nomic benefit  from  this  was  that  agriculture  as  a  definite 
occupation  became  much  more  feasible.  The  daily 
routine  was  performed  by  slaves,  who  thereby  acquired 

1  See  e.  g.  Deuteronomy  xx,  13,  14;  I  Chronicles  xx,  3. 


102  SOCIOLOGY 

the  capacity  and  habit  of  unwearied  industry;  their 
numbers  increased,  and  when  their  lot  became  some- 
what lightened,  as  serfs  or  as  a  peasant  population  they 
still  kept  up  their  tireless  work  for  the  compensation  of 
daily  food.  Even  to-day  they  form  the  largest  part 
of  the  world's  population  and  perform  the  great  mass 
of  drudgery  in  civilization.  As  peasants  in  China, 
Russia,  India  and  Latin  America,  and  as  unskilled 
laborers  in  the  United  States  and  in  Europe  they  toil 
steadily  and  laboriously,  still  receiving  as  pay  bare 
subsistence,  scarcely  knowing  to-day  whether  they  will 
have  food  and  shelter  on  the  morrow. 

An  important  economic  effect  of  slavery  was  the 
rise  of  a  leisure  class.  By  this  term  is  not  meant  those 
who  have  no  work  whatsoever  to  do,  but 
class C1SUre  rather  those  who  are  not  compelled  to  labor 
strenuously  in  the  industries  in  order  to 
obtain  their  economic  support.  In  primitive  life  doubt- 
less the  energy  of  all  was  chiefly  expended  in  the  pur- 
suit of  daily  food ;  the  occasional  leisure  was  probably  in 
most  cases  wasted,  although  at  times  it  may  have  been 
utilized  by  a  few  for  reflection  and  achievement.  With 
slavery  and  larger  wealth  more  would  be  freed  from 
economic  necessity  and  thereby  given  opportunity  for 
mental  improvement  and  achievement.  Unquestion- 
ably many  would  waste  their  leisure  riotously  and 
foolishly,  but  others  again  would  utilize  it  to  the  utmost. 
In  this  manner  there  evolved  a  leisure  class  as  dis- 
tinguished from  a  slave  class,  and  on  the  basis  of  this 
distinction  came,  in  later  generations,  caste  and  class 
systems,    emphasizing   aristocratic   forms    of   organiza- 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OV   SOCIAL    INSTITUTIONS     103 

tion,  based  on  the  dominance  of  noble  birth,  learning 
and  wealth. 

There  was  still  another  possibility,  aside  from  the 
use  of  slaves,  of  escaping  from  the  irksome  drudgery  of 
Trade  and  agricultural  life.  Far  back  in  civilization 
the  in-  men   had   bartered   their   surplus   for   com- 

dustnes.  modities  enjoyed  by  their  neighbors,  and 
in  this  way  had  begun  the  development  of  market 
places,  trade  routes,  a  means  of  exchange  in  some 
form  of  money,  and  the  trader's  occupation.  Others 
again  had  found  a  peculiar  satisfaction  in  the  making 
of  tools  and  weapons,  and  had  become  facile  in  smith- 
ing of  all  sorts.  Others  had  become  expert  in  the 
use  of  tools,  and  were  busily  engaged  in  simple  forms 
of  manufacture.  To  many,  such  occupations  seemed 
more  attractive  than  farming,  and  wherever  opportunity 
allowed,  commerce  and  manufactures  developed,  result- 
ing in  the  rise  of  the  city  with  its  complex  life,  so 
favorable  to  high  civilization. 

The  advantage  of  this  change  from  the  standpoint 

of    achievement    is    easily    perceived.     Manufactures 

meant  inventions,  greater  skill,  wider  knowl- 

Resultant  ,  i 

social  edge  of  natural  resources  and  a  vastly  greater 

achieve-  output  in  proportion  to  the  energy  expended. 
Commerce  meant  social  intercourse,  the 
mingling  of  civilizations,  larger  ideas  and  the  stimulus 
of  activity  through  the  hope  of  gain.  No  purely  pas- 
toral or  agricultural  people  can  ever  hope  to  become 
wealthy  and  enjoy  a  high  civilization.  They  may  live 
a  simple  life,  have  homely  virtues  and  sterling  quali- 
ties of  mind,  but  they  lack  the  thrill  and  vigor  of  urban 


104  SOCIOLOGY 

civilization,  which  develops  only  through  commerce 
and  manufacture.  Nor  can  they  ever  draw  far  away 
from  the  fear  of  famine  since  their  very  existence  de- 
pends on  the  chance  of  sun  and  rain,  and  they  seldom 
have  a  reserve  supply  of  foods  to  be  drawn  on  in  case 
of  successive  poor  seasons,  nor  have  they  manufactured 
goods  to  be  exchanged  in  commerce  for  food.  Evi- 
dently, then,  the  rise  and  predominance  of  a  civiliza- 
tion built  on  commerce  and  manufactures  imply  still 
greater  social  achievement,  and  history  may  be  illu- 
minated by  noting  how  a  nation  rises  into  prominence 
through  its  commerce  and  manufactures,  and  then  sinks 
back  into  relative  insignificance  as  a  more  adaptable 
and  inventive  nation  conquers  it  in  war  or  economic 
competition. 

Through  such  changes  urban  life  no  longer  needed 
to  center  itself  in  the  midst  of  a  fertile  region,  its  natu- 
ral site,  but  found  location  wherever  commercial  facili- 
ties offered  themselves  or  hidden  mines  of  metals  could 
be  found.  For  this  reason  throughout  the  ancient  and 
modern  world  urban  centers  may  be  looked  for  (1)  in 
the  centers  of  fertile  plains  and  valleys,  (2)  at  the 
mouths,  junctions  or  head  waters  of  navigable  streams,1 
or  on  the  harbors  of  lakes  and  seas,  and  (3)  wherever 
there  are  mines  of  metals  or  quarries  of  stone  suitable  for 
building  purposes,  or  falling  water  to  furnish  power.  In 
the  rise  of  commerce  is  developed  of  necessity  the  process 
of  transportation.  In  place  of  the  pack  on  the  human 
back  come  the  canoe  and  the  beast  of  burden,  then 

1  Canals  and  roads  of  all  sorts  from  this  standpoint  may  be  con- 
sidered as  artificial  streams. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    105 

roads  are  built,  canals  are  dug  for  transportation  as 
well  as  for  irrigation,  and  finally  come  the  sailing  ves- 
sel, the  steamboat  and  the  railroad  in  all  the  numerous 
present  and  possible  forms,  as  well  as  inventive  achieve- 
ments for  the  transmission  of  news  and  messages,  cul- 
minating in  the  present  system  of  wireless  telegraphy. 

Since  anthropological  and  ethnological  works  trace 
the  development  of  man  in  his  early  mastery  over 
the  materials  and  forces  of  nature,1  at- 
tion  of  the  Mention  here  need  simply  be  directed  to 
materials  the  sociological  significance  of  such  develop- 
of'nature8  ment-  In  these  days  in  place  of  a  continu- 
ous struggle  for  mere  subsistence,  we  desire 
abundant  food  of  good  quality,  and  many  comforts 
and  luxuries  besides.  We  desire  leisure  for  mental, 
moral  and  esthetic  enjoyment,  and  prefer  to  spend  as 
little  economic  energy  as  need  be  in  order  to  attain 
these  things.  In  other  words,  we  demand  a  relatively 
greater  return  for  a  smaller  economic  effort.  This 
becomes  increasingly  possible  as  we  discover  how  to 
utilize  what  nature  so  generously  supplies  to  us;  as  we 
learn  to  use  more  effectively  wood,  stone  and  metal,  and 
to  increase  our  store  of  these  through  the  preservation 
and  enlargement  of  our  forests,  the  manufacture  of 
artificial  stone,  by  the  making  of  steel,  the  extraction 
of  aluminum  from  clay,  or  nitrogen  from  the  air.  As 
also  we  pass  beyond  the  sail  and  the  water  mill  to 
the  enormous  energies  stored  in  steam  and  electricity, 

'Such  books   as  Wallace's  "Wonderful   Century,"  or  lies'  "In- 
ventors at  Work,"  show  the  scientific  discoveries  and  inventions  of ' 
the  present  age. 


106  SOCIOLOGY 

we  reach  a  condition  when  Malthusianism  becomes 
old-fashioned.  For  through  these  achievements  food 
supplies  are  multiplied  enormously,  and  the  energy 
needed  to  attain  them  passes  as  a  burden  from  human 
muscle  to  nature  itself.  The  brain  of  man  invents  and 
guides  the  machine,  and  natural  power  does  the  rest. 
The  man  behind  the  machine  symbolizes  a  great  factor 
in  dynamic  civilization,  as  well  as  the  man  behind  the 
gun.  The  real  hopefulness  of  the  situation  at  present 
is,  that  as  long  as  the  intellect  of  man  can  continue  to 
make  improvements  in  machinery,  and  utilize  more 
efficiently  natural  resources,  mankind  will  become  more 
and  more  free  from  the  fear  of  starvation;  the  stan- 
dards of  life  will  rise;  slavery,  serfdom  and  unskilled 
labor  will  disappear,  and  with  shorter  hours  of  labor, 
which  will  involve  intelligence  rather  than  muscle,  even 
the  working  classes  will  have  leisure  to  devote  them- 
selves to  cultural  attainment,  as  is  not  possible  under 
a  system  involving  strenuous  toil  and  unremitting 
poverty. 

The  implication  from  this  is  that  economic  consump- 
tion will  tend  more  and  more  toward  a  better  system 
The  natural  °^  ^E^)or  rewards,  a  question  complicated  by 
wages  of  the  existence  of  private  property.  In  prinii- 
labor.  ^ye    civi]iZation    property    was    communal 

except  in  such  matters  as  weapons,  ornaments  and 
clothing.  In  other  respects  all  shared  and  shared  alike 
whether  in  hunting  or  in  spoil.1  In  pastoral  and  agri- 
cultural civilization  there  was  communal  property  and 

1  See  e.  g.  Numbers  xxxi,  27;  I  Samuel  xxx,  21-25,  for  Hebraic 
illustrations. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     107 

also  family  possessions;  not  only  were  there  varia- 
tions in  the  wealth  of  different  families,  but  there  was 
also  a  non-propertied  class  of  serfs  and  slaves.  In 
urban  civilization  based  on  commerce  and  manufactures 
individual  rights  in  property  are  fully  recognized  even 
as  against  the  family.  This  is  in  harmony  with  indi- 
vidualistic ideals  so  necessary  in  an  age  of  enterprise 
and  private  initiative.  The  gospels  on  several  occa- 
sions announce  a  principle  which  in  substance  is  that, 
who  has  much  will  have  more,  and  who  hg,s  little  will 
have  less.1  In  modern  form  it  is  the  question  whether 
or  not  the  rich  are  growing  richer  and  the  poor  poorer. 
Under  genetic  development  the  rule  seems  to  hold 
good,  and  Loria 2  explains  the  principles  involved. 
Those  who  have  wealth  have  power,  dominate  legal 
standards  and  control  social  institutions;  hence  they 
naturally  tend  to  arrange  the  system  in  such  way  that 
they  will  increase  their  wealth.  Lacking,  however, 
deep  insight  and  broad  knowledge  they  do  so  at  the 
expense  of  the  many  and  drag  down  civilization  in 
consequence.  In  modern  times  with  more  wisdom  the 
social  aim  is  to  increase  the  wealth  of  the  community 
as  a  whole,  and  so  to  arrange  the  distribution  of  it 
that  the  proportionately  larger  share  shall  go  to  the 
many,  not  to  the  few.  Historically  it  can  be  shown 
that  under  genetic  development  the  wealth  of  the 
community  flows  into  the  possession  of  the  privileged 
classes,  the  nobility,  clergy  and  leisure  classes  generally. 
This  inevitably  results  in  a  two-class  system,  the  very 

1  See  e.  g.  Mark  xii,  25. 

2  "Economic  Foundations  of  Society." 


108  .  SOCIOLOGY 

rich  and  the  very  poor.  Aristotle  sought  to  show  in 
his  "Politics  "  1  that  this  evil  could  be  checked  by  wise 
legislation,  as  Plato  before  him  had  tried  to  show  a 
remedy  in  Utopian  form.2 

The  breaking  down  of  this  system  begins  with  the 

era  of  commerce,  which  tends  always  toward  democ- 

racy.     Energy  and  capacity,  irrespective  of 

tions  in         birth,  are  in  demand,  and  large  rewards  go 

higher  civ-    ^o  ^]ie  man  wno  }ias  ability,  even  though  he 

ilization.  .  urc  1    •        1 

is  ignobly  born.  Manufactures  tend  in  the 
same  direction,  and  as  the  result  of  these  influences  a 
middle  class  is  formed  made  up  of  commoners  who 
acquire  wealth.  As  skill  and  energy  come  more  and 
more  into  demand,  others  from  the  ranks  rise  into  the 
professions,  into  highly  paid,  skilled  trades,  and  into 
positions  of  responsibility  in  business.  These  also  receive 
a  proportionately  larger  share  of  wealth.  If  statistics 
were  available,  it  would  be  possible  to  show  the  march  of 
civilization  by  noting  historically  the  decrease  in  per 
cent  of  those  who  live  from  hand  to  mouth.  It  is 
probable  that  intelligent  legislation  will  have  to  sup- 
plement the  genetic  development  initiated  by  com- 
merce and  manufactures,  and  society  by  its  wisdom 
may  have  to  place  handicaps  on  excessive  fortunes, 
and  on  the  other  hand  pay  special  attention  to  the 
stimulation  of  those  who  in  civilized  countries  are  still 
below  the  standard  of  a  decent  living  wage.  No  civili- 
zation can  honestly  claim  to  be  high  in  which  a  rela- 
tively large    per  cent  of  its  population  is  below  the 

1  Books  IV  and  V. 

2  In  the  "  Republic  "  and  the  "  Laws." 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    109 

level  of  fairly  comfortable  subsistence.  This  change 
should  not  come  about  through  charity,  the  wisdom 
of  which  is  highly  questionable,  but  by  such  measures 
as  will  develop  intelligence  and  energy  among  the 
needy,  and  at  the  same  time  supply  to  them  oppor- 
tunities for  economic  and  cultural  advancement. 
Sociology,  basing  itself  on  historical  experience,  sees  no 
need  of  any  return  to  the  primitive  condition  of  com- 
munal property  or  a  system  of  equal  sharings,  but 
does  insist  on  the  supreme  importance  of  a  system  in 
which  every  person  by  a  moderate  amount  of  energy 
and  intelligence  may  have  the  opportunity  to  attain 
a  fair  livelihood.  This  condition,  impossible  in  earlier 
civilization,  becomes  possible  and  even  inevitable  as 
man  transforms  his  environment  by  his  mastery  over 
natural  forces. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 
(Continued) 

II.  The  Family 

While  the  family  is  usually  considered  the  unit,  or 
fundamental  group  of  soeiet}',  the  term  family  has  had 
Primitive  a  different  significance  at  different  times. 
kinship  and  When  mankind  was  emerging  from  animal 
mamage.  conditions  the  family  group  probably  con- 
sisted simply  of  mother  and  child  holding  closely 
together  merely  during  the  helpless  period  of  infancy. 
•  The  mother  herself  presumably  provided  for  and  pro- 
tected her  children,  who  as  they  matured  would  feel 
a  sympathetic  connection  because  of  their  descent 
from  a  common  mother.  This  furnishes  the  type  of 
the  so-called  matriarchal,  or  metronymic,  family  made 
up  of  a  mother,  her  children  and  her  daughters'  chil- 
dren, forming  a  natural  kin.1     This  family  group  was 

1  Kinship  may  be  natural  or  artificial.  Natural  kinship  implies 
in  popular  opinion  the  possession  of  a  common  blood,  and  in  its 
primary  form  exists  between  parent  and  child,  or  among  children 
having  the  same  father  and  mother.  It  exists  in  a  secondary  form 
between  children  and  the  other  natural  kin  of  their  parents,  or  be- 
tween parents  and  the  descendants  of  their  children.  In  the  widest 
extent  of  the  word,  all  mankind  may  be  said  to  be  kin  on  the  assumpT 
tion  of  descent  from  an  original  pair;  or  under  evolutionary  hypo- 
thesis a  natural  kinship  may  be  said  to  exist  between  all  sentient 
life,  both  human  and  animal.     In  the  metronymic  period  kinship 

110 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    111 

at  first  held  together  by  instinctive  sympathy,  but  at 
a  later  stage  human  reason  became  able  to  see  the 
utility  of  kinship  ties  for  purposes  of  hunting  and 
defense.  From  that  time  on  kinship  was  recognized 
as  a  social  bond,  and  regulations  of  marriage  and 
degrees  of  consanguinity  became  general. 

As  the  office  of  the  male  in  generation  was  then 
unknown,  -fathers  as  such  were  not  recognized  .as 
members  of  the  family,  maternal  uncles  and 
o^Wnship13  u^erme  brothers  forming  the  male  kin.  By 
the  time  of  the  patriarchal,  or  patronym- 
ic, period,  the  father's  share  in  reproduction  had 
become  known;  he  had  definitely  laid  claim  to  kin- 
ship with  his  children,  and  even  had  asserted  over 
them  his  right  as  superior  to  that  of  their  mother. 
Under  this  system  came  kinship  based  fundamentally 
on  male  descent,  and  a  more  compact  and  permanent 
family  organization.  In  later  times,  as  for  example 
under  the  empire  in  Rome,  came  the  system  of  tracing 
kinship  through  double  descent,  and  this,  now  justified 

through  fathers  was  ignored,  just  as  kinship  through  mothers  was 
slighted  in  the  patronymic  period. 

Artificial  kinship  is  established  by  custom  or  by  law.  A  group 
may  traditionally  but  incorrectly  assume  descent  from  a  common 
ancestor,  or  in  totemism  may  claim  kinship  through  relationship  to 
a  common  totem  considered  to  be  a  sort  of  ancestor.  Again,  arti- 
ficial ties  of  kinship  may  be  formed  by  marriage  or  by  adoption,  as, 
for  example,  in  the  legal  kinship  of  husband  and  wife  and  the  cus- 
tomary recognition  of  relations-in-law.  A  still  wider  form  of  arti- 
ficial kinship  may  be  illustrated  by  the  brotherhoods  of  religious  and 
social  organizations.  In  church  membership,  for  instance,  a  father 
and  a  son  are  technically  brothers,  both  being  sons  of  a  common 
spiritual  Father. 


112  SOCIOLOGY 

by  biological  knowledge,  will  probably  remain  per- 
manent, and  children  be  considered  as  the  offspring  of 
each  parent  and  related  to  the  kin  of  both.  Artificial 
kinship  arose  by  claims  of  descent  from  a  common 
fictitious  ancestor,  as  in  totemism,  by  adoption  or  by 
marriage,  the  last  two  of  course  being  well  recognized 
forms  of  kinship  to-day.  On  the  basis  of  real  or  ficti- 
tious kinship,  grew  slowly  recognition  of  tribal,  clan 
and  national  kinships,  broadening  at  present  into 
humanitarianism,  or  a  recognition  of  the  essential  kin- 
ship of  the  entire  human  race. 

Sexual  connection  was  in  primitive  life  dictated 
merely  by  natural  instincts,  influenced  by  passion  and 
Ancient  propinquity.  Whether  marriage  was  polyg- 
conjugai  re-  amous,  polyandrous,  monogamous,  tempo- 
lationships.  rai,y  Qr  permanent  m  form,  is  of  small  mo- 
ment. For  sociological  purposes  the  nature  of  the 
relationship  is  of  no  consequence  until  it  became  a 
social  one,  recognized  by  the  group,  and  involving 
mutual  rights  and  obligations.  For  from  that  time  a  new 
form  of  kinship  was  recognized,  implied  in  the  marriage 
tie  between  husband  and  wife.  This  enlargement  of  the 
family  group  by  the  inclusion  of  the  husband  is  marked 
in  the  histories  of  primitive  marriage  by  numerous 
regulations  of  the  status  of  marriage,  which  henceforth 
definitely  takes  its  place  as  a  social  institution.  It 
seems  evident,  moreover,  that  during  this  period  eco- 
nomic considerations  as  well  as  sexual  appetite  became 
a  factor  in  marriage.  The  woman  began  to  have  a 
definite  economic  function  in  the  communal  group  as 
the  supplier  of  vegetable   food,   as    domestic    drudge, 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    113 

and  as  burden-bearer  on  the  march.  Her  proficiency 
in  these  respects  therefore  became  a  consideration  in 
the  eyes  of  her  suitors.  Women  captured  in  war  were 
valuable  not  simply  as  supplementary  wives  but  also 
as  slaves  having  a  definite  economic  value.  At  the 
same  time  men  as  hunters,  warriors  and  shepherds  were 
frequently  engaged  in  warfare,  and  developed  thereby 
an  aggressive,  masterful  and  savage  disposition.  Under 
such  conditions  it  is  not  hard  to  see  that  women  as 
slave-  or  purchase-wives,  toiling  laboriously  within  the 
inner  circle  of  the  group,  would  tend  to  become  more 
and  more  subordinated  to  the  males  who  were  engaged 
in  mentally  stimulating  occupations.  Hence  the  free 
mother  of  semi-human  existence  had  become  by  the 
time  of  the  agricultural  period  a  submissive  slave  to 
her  husband,  and  was  characterized  by  the  natural 
slavish  qualities  of  patience,  endurance  under  suffer- 
ing, and  passivity  in  matters  external  to  her  own  inter- 
ests. This  inferior  place  she  still  holds  among  the  larger 
part  of  the  world's  population.  The  marriage  relation 
is  still  based  almost  entirely  on  sexual  passion  and  eco- 
nomic considerations,  and  in  the  family  economy  the 
woman's  duty  is  that  of  field  hand  and  household  drudge, 
though  her  status  rises  in  importance  wherever  mo- 
nogamy prevails,  since  her  lot  is  mitigated  by  the  ties 
of  domestic  affection.1 

Kinship  and  marriage  would  be  in  sorry  condition 
if  this  were  the  end  of  social  development,  but  for- 

1  For  interesting  studies  from  this  standpoint,  see  Eliza  B.  Gam- 
ble, "The  Evolution  of  Women";  Ward,  "Pure  Sociology,"  Chapter 
XIV;  and  Thomas,  "Sex  and  Society." 


114  SOCIOLOGY 

tunately   there    is    another    aspect    to  be  emphasized. 
This  may  be  explained,  first,  b}^  the  gradual  refinement 
of  sexual  relations  and,  secondly,  by  a  rise 
ex  ,.4  in  the  standards  of  family  affection. 

morality.  J 

lfc  The  prompting  of  sexual  passion  in 
animal  life  is  instinctive,  and  its  indulgence  spontaneous. 
When  the  intellect  of  man  developed  sufficiently  to 
enable  him  to  reflect  on  his  desires,  sexual  indulgence 
became  conscious,  artificial  and  excessive.  Then  came 
social  tabu  and  regulation,  aiming  to  check  the  evils  of 
licentiousness  that  threatened  to  sweep  away  the  exist- 
ence of  the  race.  These  involved  mainly  requirements 
of  female  chastity,  and  regulations  of  divorce.  Civiliza- 
tion has,  however,  unquestionably  strengthened  the 
intensity  of  male  sexual  passion,  by  removing  him 
from  the  natural,  physical  conditions  of  savage  life, 
and  developing  in  him  a  sexual  imagination.  A  civil- 
ization dominated  by  males  has  been  in  consequence 
rather  half-hearted  and  unsuccessful  in  its  attempts 
to  regulate  sexual  vices.  Great  religious  teachers  have 
done  their  best  to  set  up  high  standards  of  sexual  ethics, 
but  no  religious  system  can  boast  of  much  success  in 
results.  Sanctified  prostitution  (in  the  East),  legalized 
polygamy,  celibacy  and  a  tabu  on  open  discussions  of 
sexual  relations  seem  to  be  some  of  the  evil  results  of 
former  religious  teaching.  Yet  little  by  little  religion 
and  science  have  been  drawing  together  on  the  matter 
and  begin  to  lay  increasing  emphasis  on  some  rather 
important  teachings;  viz.  that  sexual  passion  of  itself 
is  proper,  natural  and  necessary  for  race  preservation ; 
that  the  very  vigor  and  intensity  of  it  is  helpful  to 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    115 

civilization  since  it  gives  energy  and  ambition  to  the 
man,  and  grace  and  charm  to  the  woman;  but  that 
indulgence  in  sexual  passion  is  not  a  matter  to  be 
decided  by  the  wish  and  whim  of  the  individual,  nor 
even  by  the  dogma  of  church  or  the  decree  of  law, 
except  as  these  conform  to  the  teachings  of  human 
experience  scientifically  interpreted.  In  other  words, 
society  must  increasingly  insist,  as  its  standards,  that 
every  individual  be  properly  trained  in  scientific  teach- 
ings in  respect  to  sexual  relations,  and  that  persons 
of  low  sexual  standards  must  rigidly  comply  under 
penalty  with  social  regulations  placed  on  sexual  indul- 
gence. Freedom  of  contract  in  the  marriage  relation 
would,  under  present  conditions,  result  in  licentious- 
ness. It  is  a  remote  ideal  suited  to  a  population  char- 
acterized by  self-control,  well  trained  to  regulate  their 
primary  instincts,  and  will  not  become  possible  until 
in  practice  it  would  amount  to  permanent  monogamy. 
In  place  of  absolute  freedom  might  better  be  empha- 
sized a  stricter  regulation  of  socially  injurious  mar- 
riages, extending  in  many  cases  even  to 
ofmaxTiage  prohibition.  Public  opinion  intelligently  in- 
formed and  directed  through  moral  agencies 
should  make  impossible  the  marriage  of  those  physi- 
cally, mentally  and  morally  defective.  Attention  should 
be  directed  more  and  more  away  from  a  purely  indi- 
vidualistic theory  of  marriage  for  personal  pleasure,  to 
a  view  of  it  as  involving  racial  consequences.  In  place 
of  ancestor  worship  might  well  come  a  sort  of  worship 
of  posterity,  so  that  persons  might  take  the  same  pride 
in  providing  capable  offspring  for  future  generations, 


116  SOCIOLOGY 

as  some  do  now  in  tracing  their  descent  from  illustrious 
ancestors. 

The   modern   movement   in   the   direction  of  higher 
sexual  morality  has  come  about  largely  through  women's 

influence.  Its  beginnings  of  course  date  far 
influence       back   in   human  history  when  standards  of 

virtue  arose  through  requirements  of  female 
chastity.  Slavery  and  the  practice  of  polygamy  by  the 
leisure  class,  strangely  enough,  helped  on  the  cause  by 
accustoming  the  great  mass  of  mankind  to  monogamy, 
a  form  of  marriage  in  which  women  naturally  acquire 
a  greater  influence  than  under  polygamy.  Roman  law 
and  early  Christianity  also  helped  matters  by  emphasis 
on  women's  dignity  and  equality;  chivalry  in  its  turn 
tended  to  idealize  women,  and  its  standards  passed 
downward  in  the  social  scale  by  imitation. 

The    great    movement    of    the    eighteenth    century 
toward    human    equality    had    a    profound    effect    on 

woman's  status,  since  from  that  time  agi- 
of  woman1  y  tation  for  woman's  rights  definitely  started. 

Such  rights  are  only  incidentally  political, 
agitation  for  which  has  unfortunately  dwarfed  other 
movements,  some  of  which  are  relatively  more  impor- 
tant. Woman's  rights  properly  include  such  demands 
as  that  for  higher  education,  for  freedom  to  enter 
economic  life  if  necessary,  for  control  over  her  own 
children  and  her  own  property,  for  a  larger  social  life 
than  the  narrow  circle  of  domestic  routine,  and  for 
the  rights  of  free  choice  in  marriage  and  of  maintaining 
her  self-respect  in  marriage  by  control  over  sexual 
relations,  even  to  the  extent  of  demanding  divorce  in 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  117 

last  resort.  This  great  movement  toward  women's 
equality  is  already  producing  marked  changes  in  social 
life,  and  is  one  of  the  powerful  factors  in  improving 
the  moral  relations  of  the  sexes  and  in  the  elimination 
of  the  grosser  forms  of  sexual  vice.  Unquestionably 
another  century  of  progress  in  this  direction  will  help 
greatly  to  purify  the  moral  atmosphere  of  social  life, 
since  women  will  insist  that  the  standards  of  sexual 
ethics  shall  apply  to  both  sexes  alike. 

2.  This  improvement  in  social  standards  can  be  made 

clearer  by  noting  the  changes  in  the  relations  between 

husband   and   wife.     As    already    explained, 

Improve-  .  ,..,.. 

ment  in  the  the  freer  marriage  of  early  civilization  was 
conjugal  re-  followed  by  the  sexual  and  economic  slavery 

lationship.  •  .       ,     .        .    ... 

of  women  under  patriarchal  civilization. 
Even  under  such  conditions  there  were  influences  at 
work  that  slowly  helped  to  elevate  the  position  of 
women.  A  really  capable  woman,  economically  speak- 
ing, was  worthy  of  respect  and  even  honor.1  Again, 
the  males  of  a  leisure  class  demanded  in  their  wives 
beauty  and  accomplishments,  and  women  so  favored 
had  great  power.  Women  as  well  as  men  inherit  from 
their  parents  intellectual  capacity,  and  wherever  they 
have  had  opportunities  to  develop  this,  the  benefits, 
social  and  domestic,  have  invariably  been  large. 

Again,  the  influence  of  women  was  set  steadily 
against  polygamy  or  any  system  that  allowed  to  the 
husband  a  larger  freedom  in  sexual  relationships  than 
he  was  willing  to  allow  to  his  wife.  Monogamy,  a  form 
of  marriage  forced  on  slave  and  peasant  populations 

1  See  e.  g.  Proverbs  xxxi,  10-31. 


118  SOCIOLOGY 

by  necessity,  became  to  woman  the  ideal  form  of  mar- 
riage because  of  the  larger  equality  she  obtained  in  that 
system,  and  this  ideal  became  fixed  in  the  standards 
of  enterprising,  progressive  Aryan  races.  All  influences 
combined  developed  in  advanced  civilization  men  of 
nobler  quality  who  began  to  hold  a  different  attitude 
toward  women.  Sexual  and  economic  values  rela- 
tively diminished  in  importance,  and  an  idealizing 
tendency  developed.  In  the  age  of  chivalry,  the  lover 
began  to  look  upon  his  mistress  as  the  inspirer  of  activ- 
ity, the  charm  of  existence,  a  wise  counselor,  a  sym- 
pathetic friend  and  loving  companion.  The  relation- 
ship in  other  words  became  idealized  through  the 
higher  emotions  and  intellectual  appreciation,  so  that 
the  purest  form  of  monogamy  became  inevitable,  viz. 
the  permanent  union  of  two  persons  of  opposite  sex, 
harmonizing  with  and  supplementing  each  other.  In 
higher  civilization,  therefore,  courtship  and  marriage 
are  characterized  by  emphasis  on  friendship  and  a 
romanticism,  which,  though  based  on  sexual  passion, 
calls  into  lively  exercise  the  higher  moral  and  esthetic 
feelings.1 

When  such  conditions  exist  sexual  morality  rises  to 
its  highest  pitch.     Infidelity  even  in  thought  becomes 

abhorrent,   and  sexual  passion,   guided  and 
morality  ^  subordinated  by  idealism,  becomes  a  servant 

and  not  a  master.     Undoubtedly  as  women 

free   themselves   from   the   handicaps   still   placed   by 

society  on  their  higher  development,  they,  with  their 

greater  sensitiveness  and  idealism,  will  insist  on  higher 

1  See  Henry  T.  Finck,    "Romantic  Love  and  Personal  Beauty." 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     119 

standards  in  their  sons  and  husbands,  thus  by  elimina- 
tion of  the  unfit  gradually  raising  the  standards  of 
sexual  morality.  Since  inherently  males  as  well  as 
females  can  be  trained  to  high  morality,  the  social 
ideal  of  sexual  ethics  should  become  a  common  stan- 
dard rigidly  applied  to  both  sexes. 

This  ideal  of  a  permanent  monogamous  marriage  is 
in  practice  rare,  and  yet  the  fact  that  it  has  been 
Mo  a-  attained  indicates  that  ultimately  it  will 
mous  mar-  become  the  favored  type,  if  cultural  civiliza- 
tion continues  to  develop.  Religion  and 
law  both  assume  the  existence  of  such  a  standard  of 
marriage  at  present,  even  though  sexual  irregularities, 
both  legal  and  illegal,  are  rife.  Such  irregularities 
were  once  supported  or  condoned  by  public  opinion, 
but  for  centuries  society  has  insisted  on  at  least  out- 
ward conformity  to  social  standards  of  marriage.  In 
order  to  facilitate  this,  marriage  and  divorce  are  made 
flexible,  so  that  one  may  enter  or  leave  the  marriage 
state  at  small  cost  and  with  comparative  ease.  If 
this  were  not  done  under  present  conditions  of  sexual 
morality,  illegitimate  connections  of  all  sorts  would 
multiply.  Toward  the  ideal  of  a  permanent  monoga- 
mous marriage  men  must  strive  by  means  of  telic  cul- 
tural development.  As  this  grows,  our  present  con- 
cessions to  human  weakness  will  disappear  one  by  one, 
and  regulations  of  the  marriage  tie  will  grow  fewer 
in  number.  The  trend,  therefore,  will  be  in  the  direc- 
tion of  mutual  freedom  of  contract  and  mutual  free- 
dom within  the  marriage  relation,  but  a  freedom  that 
will  guide  itself  to  meet  the  approval  and  sanction  of 


120  SOCIOLOGY 

an  intelligent  public  opinion,  voicing  the  ideals  of  a 
strongly  ethical  civilization. 

A  similar  development  may  be  observed  in  the  fun- 
damental kinship  between  mother  and  child.  This 
natural  animal  relationship  invariably  ends 
affection  w^n  ^e  ma/kurity  of  the  offspring.  But  as 
social  organization  develops  through  growing 
intellectual  capacity,  the  tie  endures  longer  and  passes 
from  an  instinctive  affection  to  one  founded  on  the  higher 
emotions  and  the  reason.  Especially  is  this  true  while 
both  remain  under  the  same  roof.  This  proximity  tends 
to  develop  affection  through  the  harmony  of  common 
habits,  interests  and  aims.  Daily  intimate  contact  also 
develops  among  the  other  members  of  the  group  a 
conventional  bond  of  affection  which  the  reason  strength- 
ens by  motives  of  economic  interest,  domestic  comfort 
and  mutual  helpfulness.  When  the  father  also  was 
admitted  into  the  family  circle,  he  likewise  shared  in 
the  affection  of  the  domestic  group,  though  paternal 
love  has  not  even  yet  attained  the  depth  and  fervor 
of  maternal  devotion.  His  assertion  of  ownership  and 
kinship,  however,  tended  to  center  his  interests  on  the 
welfare  of  the  household,  so  that  the  child  began  to 
have  the  fostering  care  of  both  parents,  although  in 
patriarchal  civilization  the  father  gave  his  male  offspring 
a  disproportionate  amount  of  attention  to  the  neglect 
of  his  daughters. 

The  most  serious  defect  in  the  organization  of  the 
patriarchal,  or  even  of  the  modern  family,  arises  from 
maternal  ignorance.  Under  polygamy  and  economic 
monogamy  the  mother  is  a  mere  instrument  of  sexual 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    121 

pleasure  or  economic  service  to  the  husband,  and  con- 
sequently her  training  of  offspring  is  instinctive  and  tra- 
ditional, but  lacks  the  elements  that  can  arise 
■J!  er^a       onlv  when  mothers  are  intelligently  trained 

ignorance.  J  °         J 

and  influential  in  cultural  advancement. 
Race  progress  is  intimately  involved  with  the  quality 
of  child-training,  and  civilization  is  always  retarded 
by  a  failure  to  emphasize  intelligence  and  idealism  as 
a  prerequisite  condition  for  child  culture.  As  long  as 
leisure  classes  confide  their  children  to  ignorant  ser- 
vants, and  the  mass  of  mothers  are  kept  from  cultural 
training  and  compelled  to  devote  their  energies  chiefly 
to  household  drudgery  and  economic  occupations,  there 
can  be  little  hope  for  rapid  social  progress.  When 
society  learns  to  educate  its  citizens  so  that  they  will 
become  intelligent  enough  to  train  their  children  teli- 
cally;  when  it  frowns  alike  on  the  large  family  of  the 
poor  and  the  childless  family  of  leisure,  there  will  be 
hope  that  each  generation  may  make  rapid  advance 
over  its  predecessor. 

Movements  in  this  direction  are  noteworthy.  Con- 
ventional affection  is  weakened  almost  to  the  vanish- 
Enlargement  mS  point  by  long-continued  absence,  but 
of  domestic  out  of  this  natural,  instinctive  affection, 
supplemented  by  ties  of  social  interests, 
arises  a  higher  form  of  kinship  affection  into  which 
enter  the  ideals  of  life.  The  mother  loves  the  child 
of  her  imagination,  the  idealization  of  what  she  de- 
sires her  child  to  be;  the  father  looks  hopefully  for- 
ward to  those  who  will  carry  on  his  plans  and  bring 
honor  to  the  family  name;    the  lover  sees  in  his  mis- 


122  SOCIOLOGY 

tress  the  perfection  of  all  womanly  qualities.  This 
idealizing  affection  may  really  grow  in  absence,  as  the 
imagination  is  not  checked  by  the  prosaic  experiences 
of  daily  contact.  When  developed,  it  becomes  the 
highest  form  of  domestic  affection  yet  attained  by 
human  kind,  enduring  in  sickness,  misfortune,  and 
even  in  spite  of  sin  and  degradation,  often  cheerfully 
giving  its  energy  and  life  for  the  sake  of  its  object.  In 
its  expanded  form  it  becomes  altruism,  missionary 
zeal,  patriotism  or  devotion'  to  truth  and  to  the  teach- 
ings of  one's  conscience,  and  these  ideals  become 
endeared  by  personifying  them  as  members  of  the  family. 
A  man  finds  inspiration  by  loving  his  fatherland,  his 
mother  country,  his  alma  mater,  his  Father  in  heaven 
and  his  brothers  in  heathen  lands.  For  these  reasons 
sociological  theory  teaches  that  on  the  foundation  of 
sexual  passion  and  domestic  affection,  should  be  devel- 
oped, especially  during  the  adolescent  period,  the 
emotional  ideals  of  the  race,  such  as  the  higher  forms 
of  filial,  conjugal  and  parental  affection,  love  for  coun- 
try and  mankind,  and  devotion  to  honor,  beauty  and 
truth. 

The  comparative  study  of  domestic  institutions  brings 
the  conviction  that  the  family  as  a  social  institution 
is    still    moving    toward    a   stage    of   higher 
ment  development.     Even   the   evils   so   manifest 

through  to-day  are  less  intense  than  in  former  periods 
oresig  .  ^  civilization,  and  while  they  still  form  a 
powerful  hindrance  to  physical  and  cultural  develop- 
ment, they  are  such  as  can  be  removed  by  scientific 
foresight.     This  telic  idea  is  rapidly  growing,  and  con- 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    123 

structive  plans  for  building  up  domestic  morality  are 
taking  the  place  of  older  emphasis  on  prohibitions  and 
ignorant  restrictions.1  If  society  would  give  less  atten- 
tion to  its  prohibitions  in  sexual  matters,  waste  fewer 
tears  on  the  sexual  depravity  of  man,  and  devote  it- 
self earnestly  to  positive  movements  for  raising  the 
tone  of  the  home,  giving  to  its  children  a  thorough 
education  in  scientific  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  biology, 
it  might  pass,  almost  at  a  bound,  to  a  civilization  where 
sexual  perversity  would  be  abnormal  enough  to  insure 
its  incarceration  in  asylums. 

III.     The  Development  of  the  State2 

The  state  is  the  chief  institution  through  which 
society .  carries  on  its  functions.  Originally  this  was 
not  so  true  as  now,  yet  the  state  in  its  simple 
omTstate  beginnings  had  a  real  importance.  The  mod- 
ern state  is  a  political  unity  having  complete 
sovereignty,  regulating  and  controlling  as  it  does  all 
matters  of  political  importance.  Such  a  notion,  how- 
ever, would  have  been  incomprehensible  to  primitive 
man.  He  merely  knew  that  for  safety's  sake  it  was 
a  good  thing  for  him  to  combine  with  companions  for 
offense  or  defense,  and  that  he  would  get  a  larger  share 

1  The  trend  toward  a  constructive  policy  in  respect  to  the  family- 
can  well  be  noted  by  following  the  annual  reports  of  the  National 
League  for  the  Protection  of  the  Family.  This  society,  under  the 
efficient  leadership  of  its  secretary  (Dr.  Samuel  W.  Dike,  Auburn- 
dale,  Mass.),  has  powerfully  aided  in  the  education  of  public  opinion. 

2  For  an  elaboration  of  this  and  the  preceding  topic,  see  "  The 
Development  of  the  State,"  and  "  The  Family  in  its  Sociological 
Aspects,"  by  the  author. 


124  SOCIOLOGY 

of  food  if  he  hunted  in  combination  with  them.  The 
hunting-band  and  the  war-band,  however,  are  the 
ancestors  of  the  state,  representing  social  cooperation 
for  the  two  chief  functions  of  government,  viz.  military 
and  economic  activities.  In  these  organizations,  too,  we 
have  the  fundamental  elements  of  the  state :  within  the 
band  there  is  the  authority  or  sovereignty  of  the  leader, 
or  leaders  in  combination;  there  is  a  notion  of  law  in 
the  command  of  the  chief,  and  in  the  customs  of  war 
and  hunting;  and  there  is  a  common  unity  since  all 
members  of  the  group  were  combined  for  a  general 
purpose.  Permanency,  which  was  lacking  at  first, 
came  in  later  years  to  characterize  the  group,  as  com- 
munal interests  became  solidified  through  the  growing 
complexity  of  social  relations  and  through  possession 
of  a  common  hunting  ground  to  be  defended  if  necessary 
by  main  strength. 

The  next  really  important  development  in  political 

organization  came  in  the  patriarchal  period.     At  that 

time  societv,  organized  economically  for  graz- 

The  state  "  '       °  1 ~  ° 

of  the  ing   and   farming   purposes,    fused   the   old- 

patriarchal  i[me  organizations  for  war  and  industry  into 
a  common  organization  with  family  and 
religious  institutions,  making  the  clan,  or  in  some  cases 
the  tribe,  or  combination  of  related  clans,  a  compact 
organization  with  differentiated  functions,  ruled  by  its 
elders  as  governmental  chiefs.  The  clan  or  the  tribe 
was  a  body  of  kinsmen  organized  at  once  for  war,  for 
industry  and  for  the  observance  of  common  religious 
rites.  Race  struggle,  conquest,  subjection  and  slow 
amalgamation  marked  this  period.     Out  of  this  fusion 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    125 

of  races  and  civilizations  came  three  great  institutions 
that  profoundly  affected  political  development :  private 
property,  a  leisure  class  headed  by  a  king,  and  civil 
law.  The  rise  of  private  property  meant  a  growing 
need  to  regulate  conflicting  claims  to  property,  and 
to  settle  the  custom  to  be  observed  in  respect  to  inherit- 
ance and  the  status  of  aliens,  slaves  and  citizens.  The 
rise  of  a  leisure  class  meant  that  a  privileged  set  of 
persons  henceforth  tended  to  monopolize  the  wealth 
and  governmental  power  of  society,  to  hold  all  offices 
of  importance,  and  to  assert  its  right  to  fix  the  law  of 
the  state. 

When  these  three  great  institutions  had  definitely 
developed,  the  state  as  a  unit  was  fully  matured. 
The  state  presenting  the  essential  features  of  mod- 
as  a  matured  ern  states,  and  prepared  to  win  for  itself 
ion.  SUpremaCy  jn  social  control.  There  were, 
to  be  sure,  such  changes  within  the  three  institu- 
tions that  the  spirit  of  government  completely  altered 
from  time  to  time,  but  the  idea  of  the  state  remained 
practically  the  same,  irrespective  of  functional  and 
structural  differentiations.  These  changes  are  familiar 
facts  of  history — the  power  of  the  state  in  exercise 
may  oscillate  between  king,  nobility  or  people;  the 
form  of  government  may  be  autocratic,  feudalistic  or 
democratic;  property  may  incline  toward  communal 
or  individual  ownership,  and  consist  chiefly  of  land  or 
of  capital;  law  may  be  merely  enforced  custom,  or 
be  subject  to  telic  change  and  amendment  by  the  ruling 
classes  or  representative  assemblies;  and  social  func- 
tions are  performed  indifferently  by  family,  church  or 


126  SOCIOLOGY 

government,  according  as  these  vary  in  social  impor- 
tance. 

Government  in  its  earlier  stages  emphasized  solidi- 
fication and  centralization,  not  expansion  and  differen- 
Distinctions  Nation.  Conflicting  property  rights,  disputes 
of  class  and  over  social  privileges,  and  the  need  of  a 
vigorous  organization  for  military  and  in- 
dustrial purposes,  all  assisted  in  the  development 
of  a  governmental  organization  centered  in  a  ruling 
aristocracy,  maintaining  its  power  by  subordinating 
inferior  and  conquered  races  through  exploiting  and 
predatory  methods.  The  more  vigorous  the  need,  the 
firmer  was  the  attempt  to  separate  by  hard  and 
fast  lines  the  gradations  of  social  ranks  within  the 
community.  The  leading  class  accomplished  this  by 
insisting  on  its  divine  or  noble  origin  as  against  basely 
born  classes  below  it,  by  monopolizing  civil  and  relig- 
ious power  and  landed  wealth,  and  by  prohibition  of 
intermarriage  between  classes.  Such  distinctions,  at 
first  enforced  by  violence,  later  became  set  by  custom, 
hedged  about  by  divine  sanctions,  and  identified  with 
the  will  of  the  gods.  In  this  way  developed  caste  sys- 
tems even  yet  common  in  India,  and  partly  retained 
in  western  civilization,1  though  they  tend  to  merge 
into  class  distinctions  based  on  wealth  or  intellectual 
attainment.  Milage  communities  and  feudalism  are 
the  natural  outgrowths  of  this  system  and  may  result, 
according  to  conditions,  either  in  a  loosely  organized 
confederation  of  equal  or  partly  equal  districts,  or 
through    growth    of    common    interests    may    develop 

1  Royal  families,  for  instance,  practically  form  a  caste. 


THE  DEVELOPMExNT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    127 

into  a  compact  empire  of  confederated  provinces  united 
with  a  degree  of  firmness  fixed  by  the  capacity  of  its 
ruling  class  or  the  pressure  of  rival  nations.  These 
are  the  natural  and  genetic  governmental  types  of  an 
aristocratic  state  founded  on  patriarchal  industries, 
and  developed  by  numerous  wars  of  conquest. 

The  next  stage  of  development  is  brought  about  by 
the  growth  of  commerce,  domestic  and  foreign.  This 
The  influ-  implies  manufactures  for  export  purposes, 
ence  of  good  roads,  improved  methods  of  transpor- 

commerce.  ^jon^  ^he  rjse  0f  cities,  greater  knowledge 
and  the  readjustment  of  class  lines  on  the  basis  of 
other  forms  of  wealth  than  land.  Under  such  con- 
ditions caste  distinctions  tend  to  fade  away,  and  in- 
stead of  the  noble  and  the  warrior,  the  capitalist  and 
the  merchant  become  important.  This  change  implies 
the  rise  of  the  third  estate,1  and  a  movement  toward 
oligarchy  and  democracy,  since  a  larger  class  of  citizens 
become  interested  in  governmental  stability,  and  new 
men  constantly  push  to  the  front  so  as  to  secure  the 
interests  of  their  wealthy  and  intelligent  plebeian  friends 
engaged  in  commerce  and  manufactures.  Commercial 
civilization  tends  naturally  to  expand  so  as  to  seek 
new  markets.  This  expansion  may  take  place  peace- 
ably through  trading  posts  or  colonization,2  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Phoenicians  and  the  Greeks,  or  may  be  pred- 
atory or  warlike  in  character,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Romans.     In  Rome  the  imperialistic  idea  reached  its 

1  The  equites  of  Rome,  the  bourgeoisie  of  France  or  the  middle 
class  of  England. 

2  See  A.  G.  Keller,  "Colonization." 


128  SOCIOLOGY 

maximum  as  a  type  of  world  state,  not  made  up  of 
loosely  confederated  parts,  but  centering  control  in  the 
capital  by  systematically  subordinating  the  economic 
interests  of  the  provinces,  and  slowly  amalgamating  the 
mass  of  population  through  a  common  civil  law  and 
the  usual  methods  of  social  imitation  and  control.  It 
was  Rome  that  first  developed  a  flexible  legal  system, 
by  emphasis  on  procedure,  and  telic  modifications  in 
the  content  of  the  law  brought  about  by  codification, 
edict,  commentary  and  interpretation.  The  Roman 
legal  system,  .later  supplemented  by  Germanic  custom, 
still  furnishes  the  basis  for  the  law  of  western  civiliza- 
tion, just  as  its  imperialism  remained  the  pattern  for 
Europe  down  to  the  nineteenth  century.1 

Commerce,2  with  its  adjunct  manufactures,  regu- 
larly tends  to  favor  a  democratic  trend  in  social  rela- 
Commerce  tions.  Its  great  demand  is  that  there  be 
favorable  to  men  who  are  intelligent,  free  from  irksome 
emocracy.  restrictions,  and  willing  to  break  away  from 
custom  whenever  necessary.  Constant  intercourse  with 
other  races  tends  also  to  develop  liberalism  in  cus- 
toms and  beliefs,  and  to  favor  a  sort  of  cosmopol- 
itanism instead  of  a  narrow  tribal  prejudice.  This 
development,  however,  may  not  be  true  of  the  mass, 
but  merely  of  those  engaged  in  the  larger  aspects  of 
trade  and  commerce;  yet  there  can  be  no  permanent 
commercial  success  until  there  is  general  intelligence. 

1  For  brief  studies  of  these  topics,  note  James  Bryce,  "The  Holy 
Roman  Empire,"  1904,  revised  edition;  Wm.  C.  Morey,  "Outlines 
of  Roman  Law." 

2  See  Clive  Day,  "  History  of  Commerce." 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  129 

But  as  men  become  free,  liberal  and  intelligent  they 
become  democratic  in  their  relations  one  with  another 
and  therefore  a  democratic  trend  in  a  social  organiza- 
tion founded  on  commerce  is  inevitable. 

The  trend  toward  democracy  can  best  be  observed 
historically  by  noting  the  changes  taking  place  in 
Growth  of  patriarchal  civilization  as  the  new  economic 
the  powers  system  creeps  in.  The  governmental  aspect 
e  s  a  e'  of  society  is  slowly  aggrandized  at  the 
expense  of  the  other  social  institutions;  the  state 
assumes  the  right  to  regulate  inheritances,  kinship, 
marriage  and  divorce,  and  rights  over  children;  it 
subordinates  the  ecclesiastical  organization  to  the  po- 
litical by  controlling  its  property  rights  and  to  some 
extent  its  offices  and  its  creed.  It  successfully  com- 
petes with  the  church  in  provisions  for  education  and 
philanthropy,  it  fosters  economic  interests,  and  develops 
a  system  of  taxation  as  recompense.  It  poses  as  the 
friend  of  morals,  art  and  philosophy  and  thereby  wins 
the  support  of  the  leaders  of  these  great  social  agencies. 
In  this  way  the  state  wins  the  right  as  against  other 
institutions  to  dictate  the  conditions  of  social  life  and 
to  act  as  final  arbiter  in  all  disputes.  When  this  stage 
is  attained,  sovereignty  may  well  be  denned  as  supreme 
authority,  since  the  state  has  become  the  dominant 
institution  of  society.  There  is  an  obvious  advantage 
in  this  development  since  as  all  social  functions  are 
subject  theoretically  to  a  central  organization,  conflict- 
ing policies  are  thereby  eliminated. 

Under  the  old  system  this  might  be  evil  since  the 
dominant    office-holding    class    might    be    tempted   to 


130  SOCIOLOGY 

exploit  other  classes,  checked  only  as  it  would  be  by 
the  fear  of   factional    disputes  of    rival   claimants  for 

power.  But  when  the  claims  of  a  dominant 
struggle*5      c^ass  are  disputed  by  other  classes,  who  also 

have  important  interests  to  conserve,  minor 
factional  differences  become  merged  into  a  class  strug- 
gle, which  in  modern  times  voices  itself  through  political 
parties.  Historically  parties  may  be  traced  (1)  as  fac- 
tional struggles  within  a  dominant  class,  such  as  dynas- 
tic wars,  (2)  struggles  for  supremacy  between  two 
opposing  institutions  typified  by  the  historic  struggle 
of  church  and  state,  and  (3)  struggles  between  con- 
flicting economic  interests  such  as  a  land  interest  as 
opposed  to  a  commercial-manufacturing  interest,  or 
capitalistic  claims  as  opposed  to  those  of  an  interest- 
paying,  wage-earning  class.  These  fundamental  inter- 
ests supply  basic  principles  for  political  parties,  which 
in  modern  governmental  systems  usually  fight  out 
their  disputes  at  the  polls  through  the  ballot,  instead 
of  by  the  ancient  methods  of  insurrection  and  rebellion. 
This  more  peaceable  method  of  settling  difficulties 
places  in  possession  of  government  a  resultant  of  all 
conflicting  interests,  that  by  mutual  compromise  seeks 
to  merge  them  all  into  a  great  national  policy.  Under 
such  conditions  it  is  easy  to  see  why  the  functions  of 
a  government  democratically  organized  tend  to  be 
enlarged  so  enormously.  If  a  class  controls,  or  a  special 
interest,  it  is  always  afraid  to  broaden  the  sphere  of 
its  activity,  because  it  would  multiply  thereby  the 
antagonism  of  unrepresented  interests  whose  privileges 
are   being   interfered   with.     But   when  practically   all 


THI-;   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  131 

classes  and  parties  are  represented,  the  government 
may  go  far  in  the  direction  of  regulation  and  "  inter- 
ference," without  dread  of  rebellion. 

The  process  whereby  modern  democracy  succeeds 
an  aristocratic  system  may  briefly  be  indicated  as 
Aristocracy  f°U°ws:  king,  nobility  and  special  classes 
becoming  lose  little  by  little  their  important,  peculiar 
emocracy.  prer0gatiVes,  retaining,  if  anything  at  all, 
the  mere  shadow  of  their  former  power,  which,  through 
popular  agitation  and  revolution,  passes  slowly  down 
from  class  to  class  until  all  theoretically  share  in  rights 
and  privileges.  Monopolies  and  special  privileges,  for 
instance,  in  land,  mines  and  economic  opportunities 
are  stoutly  resisted  and  slowly  become  public  or  are 
thrown  open  to  general  competition.  Governmental 
offices  and  honorable  occupations  of  all  sorts  cease  to 
be  prerogatives  of  the  nobility,  and  all  citizens  become 
eligible  to  them.  An  opportunity  to  obtain  education 
is  placed  before  all.  The  privilege  of  lawmaking  passes 
to  the  citizens  as  a  whole  or  to  their  representatives; 
freedom  in  thought  and  speech  is  secured  by  forbidding 
social  institutions  to  dictate  beliefs  and  standards,  and 
the  rights  of  all  in  person  and  property  are  safeguarded 
against  the  arbitrary  whim  of  the  powerful. 

This  development  also  is  indicated  by  the  differen- 
tiation taking  place  in  governmental  organization. 
The  sphere  and  functions  of  the  state's  two  chief  rivals, 
the  family  and  the  church,  are  first  carefully  marked 
off,  and  the  residue  of  governmental  authority  becomes 
divided  among  several  departments;  the  judicial  func- 
tions of  the  executive  become  a  separate  department, 


132  SOCIOLOGY 

then  the  administrative  functions  are  delegated  to  a 

ministry;  a  lawmaking  body  develops  for  the  purpose 

of  revising  the  law  and   adding  to   it  from 

Changes  in 

govern-  time  to  time,  and  the  executive  aided  by  a 
mental  or-  cabinet  oversees  the  system  as  a  whole  and 
formulates  broad  lines  of  policy.  Local 
administration  is  separated  from  the  national,  and 
their  spheres  of  authority  are  carefully  distinguished. 
The  effect  of  these  differentiations  as  a  whole  is  to 
decentralize  authority  over  details,  but  to  centralize 
it  over  fundamentals  through  the  general  power  and 
regulation  of  supervision. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  democracy  in  its 
complete  form  has  yet  been  attained  by  any  civili- 
Conditions  zation.  Nothing  is  so  misleading  in  theoriz- 
for  ing  as  to  assume  that  things  are  necessarily 

democracy.  wjia^  their  names  or  their  ideals  imply.  There 
have  been  and  are  many  states  called  democracies,  but 
these  differ  widely.  Contrast  for  example  the  bloody 
despotism  of  the  black  republic  (Haiti),  the  benevolent 
despotism  of  Diaz  in  Mexico,  the  strongly  centralized 
system  of  France  and  the  capable  decentralized 
Swiss  republic.  Evidently  the  mere  form  of  govern- 
ment is  not  sufficient  as  a  basis  for  classification. 
If  therefore  by  democracy  is  meant  not  a  formal 
but  a  real  government  by  the  people,  one  would 
have  to  admit  that  the  wrord  denotes  an  ideal,  not  a 
condition  realized.  A  democracy  should  imply  that 
the  people  as  a  whole,  both  sexes  alike,  are  intelli- 
gently trained  and  capable  of  giving  a  fair  judgment 
in  respect  to  policies  under  discussion.     Furthermore, 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    133 

no  large  per  cent  of  them  should  be  so  straitened  by 
poverty  as  to  be  debarred  from  leisure  and  warped  in 
judgment.  As  long  as  ignorance  and  extreme  poverty 
handicap  a  society,  it  is  impossible  for  that  body  to 
become  fully  democratic.  In  other  words,  the  two 
fundamental  conditions  for  democracy  are  that  educa- 
tion be  accessible  to  all,  and  that  economic  extremes 
in  society  be  eliminated,  i.  e.  the  concentration  of  wealth 
in  the  hands  of  a  few,  and  the  impoverishment  of  the 
masses.  Lacking  these  fundamentals  even  though  a 
state  is  democratic  in  form,  power  will  always  in  fact 
be  controlled  by  the  wealthy,  who  can  regularly  rely 
on  the  support  of  professional  classes,  and  of  the  edu- 
cated if  these  classes  also  are  recruited  from  the  few. 

Any  state,  no  matter  what  its  form,  will  tend 
toward  a  democratic  condition  if  the  opportunities 
The  move-  ^or  ^e  acquirement  of  knowledge  and  prop- 
ment  toward  erty  are  shared  by  all  alike.  As,  however, 
emocracy.  na£ura]^  or  genetic,  development  is  aristo- 
cratic not  democratic,  in  order  to  become  really  demo- 
cratic a  society  must  deliberately  counteract  natural 
tendencies  and  use  telic  means  to  accomplish  its  pur- 
pose. As  such  movements  exist  in  parts  of  the  earth 
where  conditions  are  favorable,  approximations  toward 
a  true  democracy  may  be  observed  and  the  marks  of 
political  progress  indicated.  The  basis  for  any  such 
observation  must  be  found  by  noting  those  tendencies 
that  seem  to  make  for  progress  and  that  are  based  on 
telic  rather  than  on  genetic  development.  The  sub- 
stitution of  rational  ends  attained  through  scientific 
knowledge  for  haphazard  development  is  one  of  the 


134  SOCIOLOGY 

surest  indications  of  progress.  If  also  there  is  a  steady 
disappearance  of  pain  and  misery,  the  multiplication 
of  human  happiness,  and  an  approximation  toward 
equality  of  opportunity,  one  may  feel  reasonably  sure 
that  the  general  trend  of  society  is  toward  the  attain- 
ment of  democratic  ideals. 

In  general  one  may  argue  that  the  coming  of  real 
democracy  will  ultimately  banish  war  and  its  heavy 

burden  of  expense.  Nations  may  still  dis- 
tion  of' war1"  Pu*e  anc^   compete,   but  the  future   contest 

will  be  on  a  psychical  plane,  and  science 
through  skilled  intellects  will  win  the  battles.  The 
great  coordinating  international  agencies  of  modern 
times,  viz.  the  religious,  economic,  educational  and 
cultural  factors,  will  tend  to  unify  human  interests, 
and  boards  of  arbitration  in  case  of  dispute  will  obviate 
the  necessity  of  war,  which  in  any  case  will  become 
obsolete  because  of  its  needless  waste  of  life  and  prop- 
erty. National  resources  will  be  carefully  husbanded, 
production  in  all  its  forms  made  scientific,  distribution 
more  equitable,  and  a  more  generous  consumption 
made  possible  for  every  citizen,  looking  always  toward 
the  elimination  of  unskilled  labor,  and  the  inclusion 
in  the  leisure  class  of  the  entire  population.  This  will 
be  accomplished  when  through  invention  and  the  util- 
ization of  natural  power,  a  well-paid  short-hour  day 
becomes  possible  for  all,  so  that  the  masses  also  may 
have  leisure  for  cultural  development. 

In  political  activity  it  is  essential  for  democratic 
development  that  governmental  machinery,  now  so 
cumbersome  and  awkward,  be  simplified,  thoroughly 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL    INSTITUTIONS  135 

coordinated,  and  made  sensitive  to  public  opinion; 
and  that  governmental  policy  when  formulated  into 
Develop-  ^aw  De  scientific.  Nothing  in  politics  is  so 
ment  of  disheartening  at  the  present  time  as  the 
emocracy.  na^Qtiplicity  of  laws,  mostly  unnecessary, 
and  rarely,  even  the  best  of  them,  based  on  any 
farsighted  knowledge  of  human  nature  and  social 
development.  Law  should  be  simple  and  general, 
details  should  be  left  to  administration,  and  the  few 
principles  promulgated  should  be  harmonized  with 
science.  Prohibitions  of  all  sorts  should  be  reduced 
to  a  minimum,  regulations  should  be  general,  taking 
into  account  human  nature  so  as  to  incite  it  to  com- 
pliance and  make  the  law  self-enforcing.  A  law  dif- 
ficult of  enforcement  is  either  defective  or  demands 
too  high  a  standard  for  the  conditions  of  civilization. 
It  should  be  repealed,  or  modified,  or  the  standards  of 
civilization  raised.  Laws  so  numerous  and  complex  as 
to  develop  litigation  are  socially  injurious.  The  law 
should  assume  that  men  desire  the  right,  not  the  wrong. 
If  the  reverse  in  experience  proves  to  be  the  case,  social 
organization  is  defective,  and  wiser  legislation  would 
presumably  remove  the  difficulty.  Every  law  should 
be  formulated  after  thorough  discussion  and  delibera- 
tion, should  be  based  on  principles  easily  apprehended 
and  endorsed  by  expert  authority,  and  should  be  so 
carefully  worded  as  to  convey  the  meaning  intended. 

The  legislation  of  so-called  democracies  at  present 
is  in  the  main  a  reproach  and  a  disgrace  to  the  body 
politic.  No  disillusion  of  democracy  is  so  keen  as  the 
pessimism   existing   in    respect   to   the   utility  of   law- 


136  SOCIOLOGY 

making  bodies.  Not  until  legislators  are  more  truly 
representative  and  intelligent  will  they  resume  their 
former  importance.  Then  society  might  con- 
legfsiation  fidently  look  forward  to  a  much  more  rapid 
development  of  the  cultural  aspects  of  life. 
At  present  legislatures  are  so  little  acquainted  with  the 
theoretical  principles  of  morals,  esthetics  and  education 
that  they  seldom  attempt  to  legislate  in  respect  to 
these,  and  when  they  do,  experts  express  sorrow.  The 
entire  cultural  life,  therefore,  is  left  to  private  initiative. 
Yet  whatever  the  efficiency  of  private  agencies,  there 
is  need  always  of  a  larger  coordination,  a  broader  view 
and  a  deeper  insight  than  can  possibly  be  supplied  in 
this  fashion.  Unquestionably  these  associations  should 
become  national,  should  formulate  great  policies,  and 
then  by  a  process  of  education  ultimately  induce  the 
state  to  embark  definitely  into  the  function  of  develop- 
ing a  cultural  civilization. 

At  present  the  state  educates  chiefly  in  the  rudi- 
ments of  general  knowledge,  and  in  industrial  occupa- 
tions and  professions,  but  already  under  the  pressure 
of  public  opinion  it  is  beginning  to  moralize  the  con- 
ditions of  life,  to  teach  the  elements  of  art  in  the  schools, 
and  through  national  universities  to  foster  scientific 
research.  When  the  cost  of  war,  crime,  vice  and 
pauperism  shall  begin  to  diminish,  as  societies  become 
wiser,  it  is  natural  to  assume  that  the  vast  amounts 
now  wasted  for  such  purposes  will  be  diverted  toward 
a  constructive  policy,  and  used  to  build  up  the  funda- 
mentals of  material  and  cultural  civilization.  This 
should  be  the  aim  of  scientific  legislation,  and  the  states- 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  137 

men  of  the  future  will  be  those  who  can  most  effectively 
utilize  the  power  of  the  state  in  constructive  activity, 
rather  than  in  devising  new  prohibitions  and  tedious 
regulations  for  the  maintenance  of  the  status  quo.1  The 
Samaritan  of  the  twentieth  century  is  not  the  man 
who  assists  the  traveler  that  fell  among  thieves,  but 
he  who  sees  to  it  that  the  economic  conditions  of  employ- 
ment are  so  bettered,  that  the  thieves  who  infest  the 
road  to  Jericho  may  have  honest  occupations.  The 
elimination  of  waste  by  a  more  complete  utilization  of 
human  energy  in  useful  directions  is  as  wise  a  policy 
in  politics  as  a  similar  principle  is  in  economics. 

*See  pamphlet  "Ethical  and  Religious  Significance  of  the  State," 
by  the  author.  Social  Science  Series,  1909,  American  Baptist 
Society. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 
(Continued) 

IV.  The  Religious  Institution 

In  studying  the  development  of  the  religious  institu- 
tion, sociology  makes  use  of  ethnological  discoveries,1 
supplemented  by  history  and  the  comparison  of  exist- 
ing systems.  In  using  this  comparative  and  historical 
method,  it  looks  merely,  as  already  explained,2  at  the 
institutions  and  ethics  of  religion,  leaving  to  philosophy 
and  theology  all  discussion  of  fundamental  beliefs. 

It  seems  probable  that  religious  feeling  had  its  begin- 
ning when  primitive  man  felt  a  sort  of  dread  of  uncom- 

prehended  forces  surrounding  him  and  there 
of  rehgion     arose  a  dull  desire  on  his  part  to  understand 

them.  At  first,  in  the  fetishistic  stage,  his 
crude  intellect  surmised  that  there  were  mysterious 
powers  in  many  of  the  objects  by  which  he  was  sur- 
rounded, in  animal  and  plant  life,  for  example,  and  in 
unusual  natural  phenomena.  These  he  feared  or  cher- 
ished according  as  they  brought  him  good  or  evil.  A  be- 
lief in  luck,  or  in  lucky  and  unlucky  objects,  is  a  common 
modern  manifestation  of  this.     In  the  animistic  stage 

1  For  a  brief  study  of  this  sort,  with  references,  see  The  Temple 
Primer  Series:  "Religion,  its  Origin  and  Forms,"  by  J.  A.  Mac- 
culloch.  J  Pages  36,  37. 

138 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL    INSTITUTIONS    139 

these  strange  appearances  and  forces  were  personified, 
along  with  the  souls  of  his  ancestors,  and  he  strove  to  pro- 
pitiate his  innumerable  gods  by  prayer  and  offerings, 
or  by  superior  knowledge  to  render  them  obedient  to 
his  will.  Odd  as  it  may  seem,  in  so  doing  he  was 
beginning  to  probe  into  the  secrets  of  nature,  and  becom- 
ing the  ancestor  of  the  modern  scientist,  the  clergyman 
and  the  physician.  When  with  keener  imagination  he 
began  to  see  coordinating  principles  and  to  grade  as 
higher  or  lower  the  various  gods  of  the  universe,  he  was 
becoming  a  philosopher,  slowly  working  out  theories 
of  cosmology  and  theology.  Still  later  with  growing 
power  of  discrimination,  he  began  to  group  inferior 
gods  under  one  supreme  god,  to  show  their  relationship 
to  men,  and  to  idealize  these  relations  through  emphasis 
on  standards  of  right.  In  process  of  time  thoughtful 
men  dropped  out  or  ignored  lesser  divinities  and  ad- 
vanced to  a  monotheistic  theology.  Others  abstracted 
the  notion  of  personality  from  divinity  altogether, 
thereby  reaching  pantheism;  or  even  as  atheists 
rejected  belief  in  the  supernatural  and  discoursed  of 
natural  elements,  blind  chance  and  cosmic  principles. 
This  brief  outline  of  the  development  of  religious  belief 
is  the  history  of  man's  striving  to  understand  the  mys- 
teries of  nature,  and  to  define  his  own  relationship  to 
the  cosmos. 

Subjectively,  as  the  mind  of  primitive  man  gained 
emotional  strength,  his  unreasoning  fear  deepened  in 
intensity  and  became  awe.  As  this  became  tinged 
with  thought,  it  changed  into  reverence,  devotion  and 
love,  until  the  Supreme  becomes  revealed  to  him  as 


140  SOCIOLOGY 

the  giver  of  all  good,  the   author  of  justice,  a  loving 

father.     So,  likewise,  the  rude  incantations,  the  bloody 

, .  .        sacrifices   and  selfish    supplications   of  early 

The  higher       ....  .  . 

develop-  civilization  slowly  change  into  higher  and 
ment  of  purer  forms,  and  culminate  in  spiritual  wor- 
ship, and  in  the  sacrifice  made  by  clean 
hearts  and  right  spirits,  which  aspire  to  come  into  close 
communion  with  the  divine  and  to  partake  of  its  nature. 
In  the  same  way  symbolic  rites  slowly  lose  their  signifi- 
cance for  later  generations ;  their  ruder  and  bloodier  as- 
pects are  eliminated ;  and  very  gradually  they  pass  into 
an  esthetic  symbolism,  emphasizing  music  and  the  beauty 
of  form  and  color.  Even  these  grow  less  important 
as  higher  civilization  advances,  and  an  inner  worship 
takes  its  place,  as  human  insight  becomes  able  to 
envisage  its  ideals  without  the  aid  of  the  material. 

The  influence  of  environmental  conditions  on  reli- 
gious development  is  marked.  Since  social  development 
influence  of  depends  on  economic  status  and  intellectual 
environment  training,  wherever  low  economic  and  intel- 
on  re  lgion.  ]ec^uaj  conditions  prevail,  the  religion  of 
such  a  civilization,  by  whatever  name  it  may  be 
called,  will  tend  to  become  a  low  form  of  animistic 
worship.  Tendencies  toward  polytheism  demand  a 
somewhat  higher  grade  of  development,  but  find  their 
natural  support  in  the  economic  conditions  of  patri- 
archal civilization.  The  broadening  of  economic  possi- 
bilities, such  for  example  as  develop  through  commerce, 
facilitates  the  rise  of  higher  religions,  typified  by  the 
many  varieties  of  religious  belief  formerly  taught  by 
the  wisest  philosophers  of  Asia  and  Greece.     In  the 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    141 

same  manner  the  spirit  of  religion  in  society  as  a  whole 
is  largely  determined  by  the  economic  and  intellectual 
conditions  of  its  adherents.  It  will  be  dominating  and 
dogmatic  if  conditions  are  low,  and  conciliatory  and 
democratic  if  these  are  high.  It  is  crude  in  its  morals 
when  cruelty  is  common,  and  strongly  ethical  when 
humanitarianism  is  at  its  height.  It  will  be  petty  and 
provincial  under  patriarchal  conditions,  and  will  broaden 
out  into  a  world  religion  only  when  the  times  are  alive 
with  world  views  and  movements.  As  civilizations 
assimilate,  their  religions  assimilate  also,  so  that,  as 
future  centuries  unite  the  divergent  types  of  the  East 
and  the  West,  the  religion  of  that  time  must  inevitably 
be  a  synthesis  of  the  dominant  qualities  of  the  world 
religions  then  existing. 

The  priesthood,  or  sacred  class  historically  prominent 
in  practically  all  religions  in  every  age  of  civilization, 

finds  its  beginnings  in  the  sorcerers,  or  medi- 
priesthood     Q'me  men  °^  primitive  life.     These  knew  the 

secrets  of  charms  and  exorcisms,  and  by 
their  knowledge  of  the  medicinal  properties  of  plants, 
could  heal  many  diseases.  They  were  not  impostors 
in  such  claims,  but  really  were  able  to  accomplish 
much  by  mental  suggestion  and  by  simple  reme- 
dies. The  more  thoughtful  among  them  saw  deeper 
into  the  mysteries  of  life,  becoming  soothsayers  and 
prophets.  Their  big  brains  throbbing  with  exalted 
emotions,  were  so  quickened  that  their  increased 
insight  into  the  mystery  of  life  seemed  to  them  an 
inspiration  from  heaven  itself,  which,  like  Socrates' 
dcemon,  imparted  to  them  wisdom  and  understanding. 


142  SOCIOLOGY 

They  had  acquired  the  power  of  looking  both  "  forward 
and  backward,"  and  were  rightly  deemed  most  useful 
members  of  society.  These  several  classes  of  priests 
were  really  the  teachers  and  scientists  of  their  time; 
they  accumulated  knowledge,  handed  it  on  by  tradition, 
and  thus  safeguarded  for  future  generations  society's 
treasures  of  intellectuality,  much  of  it  of  course,  dross, 
but  with  a  residuum  of  real  social  value. 

The  utility  of  the  priestly  class  is  not  so  obvious  when 

it  became  hierarchical  in  form,  and  when  it  began  to 

cherish  its  best  knowledge  as  a  secret  to  be 

a^riwttwod.  tauSht  only  to  an  mner  circle,  deliberately 
striving  to  keep  the  masses  in  ignorance. 
Matters  became  worse  when  it  heaped  up  a  great  load 
of  useless  ritual,  benumbing  social  energy,  involving 
wasteful  sacrifices,  and  resulting  in  the  compulsory 
support  of  a  large  body  of  priests  in  charge  of  the  daily 
routine  of  worship.  A  priestly  leisure  class  made  up 
of  non-producers  can  be  justified  only  if  they  really 
add  to  mental  or  cultural  achievement,  and  seek  to 
build  up  the  people  in  spiritual  knowledge.  Other- 
wise they  handicap  development  by  emphasis  on  super- 
stition and  wasteful  observances. 

In  the  same  way  progress  is  hindered  if  the  teachings 
of  the  priestly  class  become  fixed,  or  if  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  sacred  codes  or  writings  is  en- 
teachings11  trusted  to  the  priestly  class  only.  Dogma- 
tism of  a  rigid  type  is  regularly  inimical  to 
progressive  civilization,  and  the  better  religions  always 
provide  some  means  whereby  new  truth  may  be  received 
and  old  teachings  rejected  if  outworn.     These  means 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  143 

may  vary  from  a  divinely  inspired  ecclesiastical  head 
or  council  at  one  extreme,  to  a  purely  individualistic 
system  based  on  a  theory  of  "  soul  liberty"  *  or  freedom 
of  conscience.  As  is  the  case  in  law,  traditional  mean- 
ings also  may  be  modified  by  their  codification  into 
creeds,  as  a  sort  of  fundamental  law,  and  by  commen- 
tary, interpretation  and  the  decisions  of  official  bodies. 
Ultimately  religious  teaching  tends  to  harmonize  with 
well-established  truths  in  science  and  philosophy;  the 
two  systems  of  teaching  may  occasionally  seem  to  be 
in  opposition,  but  a  faith  unreasonable  in  its  basis  is 
finally  atrophied  and  sloughed  off  as  credulity  or  super- 
stition, or  else  is  retained  as  a  mere  conventional  belief. 
For  no  religion  founded  on  unreason  can  retain  its  hold 
on  the  best  minds  in  an  age  when  men  are  striving  to 
think  their  way  into  harmony  with  the  highest  and 
best  in  the  universe. 

The  church  is  the  institution  developed  for  religious 
purposes,  and  there  should  of  course  be  included  under 
The  church  that  term  the  organization,  its  rites  and 
as  a  social  ceremonies,  its  creeds  and  sacred  books,  and 
institution.    itg  priesth00CL     The  term  church  may  loosely 

be  applied  even  to  the  primitive  organization  of  sav- 
age life,  for  the  idea  underlying  it  is  essentially  that 
of  modern  times.  Like  other  social  institutions  the 
organization  of  the  church  is  always  patterned  after 
the  typical  social  organizations  dominant  at  the  time, 
i.e.  after  monarchical,  aristocratic  or  democratic  models, 
though  ancient  forms  may  survive  long  after  the  spirit 

1  See  Richmond's  "Rhode  Island,"  p.  20,  in  discussion  of  Roger 
Williams. 


144  SOCIOLOGY 

underlying  them  has  changed.  The  church  tends  to 
be  static  and  conservative,  its  office  as  always  being 
to  conserve  what  is,  not  to  originate  the  new.  For 
this  reason  whenever  in  society  any  really  important 
religious  change  becomes  inevitable,  its  advocates  must 
arise  from  outside  the  church  or  withdraw  from  it  in 
schism.  This  naturally  arouses  antagonism,  for  human 
experience  shows  that  social  institutions  strongly 
entrenched  resist  vigorously  all  forms  of  opposition. 
Churches,  like  states  and  economic  systems,  war  against 
their  antagonists,  and  the  more  bitterly,  perhaps,  if 
they  maintain  that  their  teachings  only  are  inspired, 
and  that  they  alone  know  the  truth.  Such  religions, 
animated  by  a  proselytizing  spirit,  become  fanatical  when 
opposed,  and  develop  a  policy  of  "no  quarter."  Hence 
one  of  the  saddest  records  in  all  history  is  that  series 
of  bloody  wars  and  persecutions,  waged  by  churches 
against  their  rivals  and  against  those  who  seem  to  be 
advancing  teachings  at  variance  with  what  is  claimed 
to  be  "the  word  of  God"  or  the  creed  of  the  church.1 

Active  suppression  of  opposition  is  only  possible  when 

church  and  state  are  united  and  in  close  sympathy.     It 

becomes   impossible   when    rivalry   between 

The  separa-  . 

tion  of  them  develops  through  the  desire  ot  the  state 

church  from  ^0  enlarge  its  functions  at  the  expense  of  the 

state 

church.  Historically  this  rivalry  has  regu- 
larly resulted  in  the  victory  of  the  state  which  has 
either  subordinated  and  subsidized  the  church,  retain- 
ing it  thereby  as  a  useful  ally,  or,  on  the  other  hand, 

1  See  White's  "A  History  of  the  Warfare  of  Science  with  Theology 
in  Christendom." 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  145 

has  confiscated  its  endowed  property,  deprived  it  of 
political  importance,  and  regulated  it  like  any  other 
social  institution.  In  democracies,  under  the  principle 
of  freedom,  the  separate  spheres  of  church  and  state 
are  carefully  defined,  and  a  policy  of  mutual  non- 
interference adopted.  This  theory  of  the  separation 
of  church  and  state  becomes  inevitable  in  practice 
when  the  state  becomes  the  supreme  authority.  The 
church  has  then  the  alternative  of  becoming  free  but 
self-supporting,  or  subsidized  but  dependent  on  the 
state.  Religious  idealism  prefers  the  former,  but  ex- 
pediency the  latter.  I 

Whenever  a  church  is  under  the  necessity  of  relying 
for  support  on  its  membership,  there  is  a  tendency  to 
Effects  of  soften  the  rigidity  of  religious  requirements 
independ-  so  as  to  win  popular  support.  The  beliefs  of 
ence*  the   priesthood   become   more   flexible,   and 

thus  toleration  and  religious  freedom  succeed  dogma- 
tism and  illiberality.  When  dogmatic  teachings  and 
a  rigid  ecclesiasticism  become  susceptible  of  modi- 
fication, the  religious  system  as  a  whole  much  more 
readily  adapts  itself  to  a  progressive  civilization,  and 
exercises  a  powerful  influence  over  social  life. 

The  enduring  quality  of  the  religious  institution  in 
history  is  seen  if  we  note  its  manifold  interests.  As  a 
philosophy  it  had  its  cosmic  theory,  seeking 
o^reiMon07  ^°  snow  ^ne  unity  of  all  things  in  a  divinity 
or  divinities,  who  originated,  controlled,  ani- 
mated and  guided  the  universe  toward  a  predestined 
goal.  As  a  science  it  claimed  to  possess  by  revelation 
the  essential   laws  of  knowledge,   even  demanding  at 


146  SOCIOLOGY 

times  that  science  be  harmonized  with  these  supposed 
revelations.  In  ethics  it  laid  down  rules  for  human 
conduct,  arguing  that  in  so  doing  it  acted  by  divine 
authority;  in  general  also  it  asserted  its  right  to  dic- 
tate principles  of  action  in  economic,  domestic,  political 
and  educational  affairs,  and  to  regulate  their  methods. 
Naturally  such  large  claims  and  powers  are  now  not 
always  admitted  by  other  agencies  in  society,  for  phi- 
losophy and  science  defend  their  right  to  promulgate 
their  conclusions  even  though  at  variance  with  theolog- 
ical teaching;  sociological  ethics  begins  to  impress  on 
thejj [ church  its  teachings  in  regard  to  social  morality; 
educational  systems  refuse  longer  to  be  subordinated 
to  religious  dogma;  church  and  state  are  separating; 
the  civil  law  regulates  the  family;  and  economic  activ- 
ities are  entirely  too  numerous  and  complex  for  the 
church  to  regulate.  Under  such  conditions  the  church 
of  necessity  must  become  either  an  anachronism,  or 
else  must  work  toward  a  higher  stage  of  usefulness, 
cutting  loose  from  routine  and  pettiness  and  endeavor- 
ing to  serve  again  as  a  prophetic  guide  for  man's  idealis- 
tic longings. 

V.     The  Institution  of  Morals 

When  human  beings  began  to  come  together  in  social 
relations    there    developed    among    them    customs,    or 

methods  of  action  sanctioned  by  usage.  If 
custom!6      a  Person  liyes  by  himself  he  becomes  a  law 

unto  himself,  but  if  he  lives  with  his  fellows, 
his  habits  must  harmonize  with  theirs  for  the  sake  of 
the  common  welfare.     Hence  in  early  civilization  what- 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    147 

ever  conduced  to  group  safety  was  enforced  by  public 
opinion.  Conversely  what  was  inimical  to  public  safety 
was  frowned  on,  and  became  tabu,  or  prohibited.  If 
there  was  a  custom  partly  good  and  partly  bad,  there 
would  slowly  arise  a  system  of  regulation  aiming  to 
guide  social  activity  into  the  safer  channel.  These 
notions  represent  the  three  great  stages  of  social  morals 
or  customs;  viz.  a  social  action  may  be  approved,  pro- 
hibited or  regulated.  In  any  given  code  of  morals, 
whether  civil,  religious  or  ethical,  these  three  stages 
are  well  marked.  The  ten  commandments,1  for  exam- 
ple, are  chiefly  prohibitions,  but  contain  also  an  approval 
of  filial  reverence,  and  a  regulation  of  labor;  the  law 
of  the  land,  too,  contains  a  sanction  of  constitutional 
principles,  prohibitions  contained  in  the  criminal  code, 
and  such  regulations  as  those  of  inheritance  or  the 
existence  of  corporations.  The  logical  trend  in  social 
development  is  from  prohibition  to  regulation,  and 
from  regulation  to  approval  or  sanction. 

A  civilization  founded  on  prohibitions  is  necessarily 
backward  and  primitive.     The  tabu  characterizes  an 

age  of  immaturity  and  unreason.     It  assumes 
The  tabu.         to  J 

that  persons  are  too  ignorant  or  too  wicked 

to  do  what  is  right,  and  hence  must  be  forbidden  to 
do  harm  or  evil  by  wiser  and  better  heads.  As  persons 
too  evil  or  ignorant  to  do  right  may  prefer  wrong  action 
even  though  prohibited,  a  threat  of  punishment  is 
regularly  added  to  prohibitions  under  the  notion  that 
the  person  who  may  not  see  the  reason  for  the  prohibi- 
tion or  the  penalty,  may  yet  dread  the  penalty  suffi- 

1  Exodus  xx. 


148  SOCIOLOGY 

ciently  to  refrain  from  evil  actions.  When  this  was 
insufficient  to  deter,  then  penalties  were  made  increas- 
ingly severe,  until  prohibitive  laws  became  one  long 
series  of  torturing  punishments,  whose  very  record 
classes  the  perpetrators  far  below  the  victims  of  them 
in  evil  and  ignorance.1 

Yet  a  tabu  stage  was  a  natural  development  in  a 
genetic  civilization.  The  growing  intellect  of  man 
became  able  to  see  a  developing  evil,  but  was  not  keen 
enough  to  know  how  to  eradicate  it.  His  only  remedy 
for  it  was  the  natural  and  animal  one  of  the  blow  or 
the  bite,  except  that  man,  like  a  cat  with  a  mouse, 
learned  to  protract  the  agony  and  duration  of  dying. 
His  career  of  war  also  inured  him  to  scenes  of  blood 
and  suffering,  so  that  he  even  acquired  a  delight  in  the 
infliction  of  punishment  and  torture.  For  this  reason 
we  see  in  history  progressive  and  conquering  nations 
easily  surpassing  their  more  primitive  neighbors  in 
cruelty;  as  illustrated,  for  instance,  by  the  war  methods 
of  the  Assyrians,  the  Romans  and  the  Spaniards. 

In  still  higher  civilization,  however,  when,  through  a 
long  period  of  peace,  gentler  emotions  arise  in  the  soul, 
Modifica-  a  stronger  intellect  revolts  against  the  vin- 
tions  of  dictiveness  of  such  punishments,  and  seeks  to 
devise  kindlier  methods  for  the  promotion  of 
social  ends.  As  a  result  of  this,  torture  and  cruelty 
slowly  fall  into  disuse,  humane  treatment  creeps  in, 
severe  penalties  are  seldom  enforced,  and  whole  classes 
of  prohibitions  pass  out  of  custom  and  from  the  statute 
books. 

1  See,  for  illustrations,  Henry  G.  Lea,  "Superstition  and  Force," 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    149 

From  the  sociological  standpoint  it  is  not  difficult  to 
see  why  the  trend  of  higher  civilization  is  entirely  away 
from  prohibitions  of  all  sorts.  If  evil  actions  proceed 
not  from  natural  depravity  or  inborn  tendencies,  but 
are  chiefly  the  effect  of  vicious  environment  and  defec- 
tive training  in  youth,  as  well  as  from  a  heredity  affected 
by  these,  then  the  proper  remedy  is  to  place  prohibi- 
tions on  conditions,  not  on  persons,  who  should  rather 
be  stimulated  to  right  activity  through  the  influence  of 
a  proper  environment.  As  mankind  rises  in  the  social 
scale  therefore,  criminal  laws  of  all  sorts  should  grad- 
ually disappear,  as  scientific  wisdom  becomes  able  to 
show  how  much  better  it  is  to  regulate  activity  and 
develop  capacity,  than  to  repress  and  suppress  mis- 
directed energy. 

The  stage  of  regulation  in  morals  or  customs  follows 
naturally  from  the   stage  of  prohibition.     If  a  certain 

form  of  social  activity  should  neither  be  pro- 
i^mo^ais*11    hibited  nor  left  entirely  free,  some  restrictions 

for  general  purposes  must  be  placed  on  the 
time,  place  and  manner  of  exercise,  and  these  will  be 
such  as  will  seem  on  the  whole  most  conducive  to  group 
safety.  For  instance,  sexual  passion  should  not  be 
prohibited  in  a  group,  nor  can  indiscriminate  indulgence 
in  it  be  approved.  If  it  can  neither  be  wholly  con- 
demned nor  wholly  approved,  it  must  be  regulated, 
and  this  is  clear  when  the  differing  interests  of  males 
and  females  and  of  rival  males  are  taken  into  account. 
Hence  there  developed  customs  in  simple  group  life 
that  in  effect  fixed  standards  of  chastity,  regulated  the 
institution  of  marriage  and  ordained  permissible  meth- 


150  SOCIOLOGY 

ods  of  divorce.  So  long  as  this  powerful  passion  is 
not  dominated  by  ethical  idealism  and  the  intellect, 
there  will  be  need  of  social  regulation.  If  the  time 
should  ever  come  when  humanity  is  pure-minded  and 
self-controlled,  then  all  such  regulations  would  pass  into 
disuse,  and  the  marriage  relation  be  dominated  solely  by 
the  power  of  public  opinion  sanctioning  high  standards. 
In  highly  developed  societies  there  are  undoubtedly 
many  persons  to  whom  the  prohibitions  and  regulations 
of  society  are  unnecessary.  These  persons  vio- 
standards  late  no  criminal  code,  they  need  no  stimulus 
of  morals       0f  fear  or  punishment  to  inspire  them  to  right 

possible.  .  *  to 

action,  and  they  voluntarily  conform  to  the 
highest  standards  set  by  society.  Such  persons  illus- 
trate the  possibilities  of  human  progress,  and  indicate 
the  path  of  social  development.  Prohibitions  and  reg- 
ulations are  for  the  vicious,  the  immature  and  the 
ignorant,  and  will  pass  into  oblivion  in  proportion  as 
society  becomes  able  by  wisdom  to  banish  vice  and 
ignorance  from  social  life.  Family  and  school  disci- 
pline, religious  teachings  and  changes  in  criminal  law, 
all  furnish  abundant  illustration  of  the  passing  of  tabu 
civilization,  the  reduction  in  the  extent  of  regulation 
of  conduct,  and  the  growing  assumption  that  human 
nature  rightly  developed  and  trained  can  become  a  law 
unto  itself. 

In  a  simple  social  group  customs  are  undifferentiated. 
Custom  was  custom,  and  no  questions  were  asked  as 
to  whether  it  was  primarily  religious,  economic  or 
domestic.  As,  however,  the  intellect  began  to  notice 
differences  and    make    comparisons,   there  grew  up  a 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL    INSTITUTIONS    151 

distinction  in  mind  between  customs  that  set  the 
standards  between  men  and  divinity  on  the  one  hand, 
and  between  men  and  men  on  the  other. 
ferentLted  Likewise  the  customs  involved  in  men's  deal- 
ings with  one  another  became  differentiated 
still  further,  and  it  is  possible  to  distinguish  in  thought 
8f  whole  series  of  customs,  such  as  civic,  economic,  domes- 
tic, educational  and  the  like.  If  some  of  these  happen 
to  be  relatively  insignificant,  they  may  be  left  entirely 
to  public  opinion  for  enforcement;  or  if  on  the  other 
hand  they  be  deemed  of  real  importance  to  group 
safety,  public  opinion  may  voice  itself  in  a  definite  way 
through  parent,  church  or  state,  for  example,  so  as  to 
obtain  and  enforce  its  will.  Opinion  as  to  what  is  or 
is  not  important  may  vary  according  to  the  age  and 
the  group,  and  it  may  be  conflicting  in  dynamic  civil- 
ization, but  a  moral  obligation  will  be  attached  to 
whatever  customs  are  thought  to  involve  group  safety, 
others  diminishing  in  importance  until  they  are  con- 
sidered mere  customs,  unmoral  by  nature,  and  like  the 
rules  of  etiquette,  are  left  to  social  opinion  for  enforce- 
ment. 

Evidently  the  power  to  distinguish  differences  such 

as  these  implies  mental  acumen  and  a  recognition  of 

moral    standards.     Lacking   this   insight   all 

Imperfec-  m°  ° 

tions  of         customs  seem   of  equal  importance,   and  a 
customary     similar  punishment  may  be  meted  out  for 

standards. 

a  slight  offense  as  for  a  heinous  crime.  Or 
again,  if  the  same  offense  is  committed  by  different 
persons  a  crude  civilization  may  punish  both  alike, 
taking  no  account  of  differences  in  age,  sex,  personality 


152  SOCIOLOGY 

or  environment.  A  high  civilization  in  morals,  then, 
implies  an  ability  to  set  up  standards,  to  note  carefully 
differences  in  conditions,  and  then  to  combine  all  of 
these  conclusions  into  generalizations,  which  will  repre- 
sent the  moral  judgment  of  the  community.  This 
capacity  is  evidently  so  rare,  that  the  moral  standards 
and  judgments  of  society  may  justly  be  suspected  of 
imperfection.  As  a  matter  of  fact  society  has  often 
made  its  commands  imperative  by  asserting  an  infal- 
libility in  its  rules,  and  has  grounded  its  decisions  on 
other  authority,  such  as  a  revelation  from  divinity,  or 
on  the  ancient  custom  of  ancestors,  the  will  of  a  divinely 
inspired  king  or  priest,  or  on  a  conscience  supposedly 
in  harmony  with  the  principle  of  justice.  More  and 
more,  however,  the  conviction  grows  that  it  is  unwise 
to  fix  standards  of  morality  for  all  time  by  such 
assumptions,  but  rather  that  a  developing  civilization 
should  see  more  clearly  into  moral  principles  as  genera- 
tions pass  on,  and  should  revise  its  standards  as  knowl- 
edge increases,  and  deeper  reflection  becomes  possible. 
For  such  reasons  sociology  holds  it  advisable  in  an 
age  of  transition,  to  call  into  question  all  standards  of 
Changing  morality,  not  for  the  purpose  of  over- 
standards  throwing  them,  but  so  as  to  lead  to  the 
of  morality.  eiimmation  0f  what  may  be  obsolete,  and 
the  strengthening  of  what  really  helps  toward  the 
safety  and  health  of  society.  Especially  should  pro- 
hibitions in  morals  be  carefully  examined  so  as  to  see 
whether  society  is  not  ready  to  substitute  for  them 
a  system  of  wise  regulation  and  control.  In  this  dy- 
namic age,  the  entire  field  of  civic  and  moral  reform 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  153 

furnishes  illustrations  of  this  trend,  and  in  all  depart- 
ments of  social  activity  changing  moral  standards  may 
be  observed.  For  instance,  religious  teachers  no  longer 
insist  on  a  lengthy  series  of  prohibitions,  as,  for  example, 
the  tabu  on  certain  amusements,  or  a  rigid  compliance 
with  ritualistic  or  ceremonial  requirements,  but  they 
rather  set  up  and  emphasize  an  ideal  standard  of  an 
altruistic  life.  Domestic  and  educational  training  is 
passing  from  stern  disciplinary  authority  enforced  by 
corporal  punishments  to  a  combination  of  kindergarten 
methods  and  comradeship.  The  prohibitive  aspect  of 
law  is  passing  into  regulation  and  control  through  the 
influence  of  public  opinion  and  administrative  depart- 
ments: capital  and  other  severe  punishments  die  out, 
the  jail  and  the  dungeon  are  succeeded  by  the  proba- 
tion system  for  the  young,  and  industrial  places  of 
detention  for  adults,  and  the  habitual  drunkard  is 
no  longer  considered  a  criminal  fit  only  for  the  jail, 
but  as  a  proper  subject  for  medical  treatment,  just  as 
the  insane  are  placed  under  the  care  of  a  physician, 
instead  of  suffering  maltreatment  as  demoniacs.  In 
general  the  best  instruction  in  ethics  is  no  longer  given 
by  prohibitions  but  by  incitement  to  right  action 
through  precept  and  example,  in  imitation  of  Chaucer's 
village  parson,  of  whom  it  is  said: 

"  But  Cristes  lore,  and  his  apostles  twelve, 
He  taught,  and  ferst  he  folwed  it  himselve." 

It  is  probably  socially  unnecessary  that  society  insist 
on  a  common  ethical  standard  in  detail  for  all  conditions 
of  men.     As  long  as  society  is  divided  into  classes  of 


154  SOCIOLOGY 

differing  grades  of  moral  and  intellectual  attainment, 

full  uniformity  in    moral    conduct  will    be    impossible, 

and  attempts  to  insist  on  it  will  result  only 

ass,.i  in  social  friction.     All  may  believe  in  honor, 

morality.  J 

virtue  and  honesty,  even  though  no  two  per- 
sons can  agree  in  respect  to  fine  distinctions  and  detailed 
applications  of  principles  to  conduct.  A  certain  lati- 
tude is  inevitable  if  one  takes  into  account  differences 
in  heredity  and  environment.  Just  as  a  Roman  judge 
might  administer  indifferently  either  local  law  or  jus 
gentium  according  to  circumstances,  so  a  judge  in 
morals  should  be  able  to  insist  on  fundamental  princi- 
ples, even  though  he  should  make  wide  differences  in 
application.  A  slight  fault  in  one  might  deserve 
sterner  treatment  than  a  serious  crime  in  another,  just 
as  a  poisonous  pin  scratch  may  be  far  more  serious 
than  a  clean  wound  from  a  dagger.  It  would  seem 
also  as  though  the  moral  pride  of  a  class  consciousness 
is  socially  worth  preserving.  Some  of  our  highest  and 
best  achievements  in  moral  life  have  been  class,  not 
collective  achievements,  such  as,  for  instance,  the 
bushido,1  or  knightly  code  of  the  Japanese,  the  caste 
morality  of  India,  the  noblesse  oblige  and  "honor"  of 
western  civilization,  and  the  pride  of  a  workman  or 
a  manufacturer  in  the  quality  and  honesty  of  his 
product.  On  the  basis  of  a  group  morality,  no  matter 
how  simple  and  petty,  might  be  built  up  a  nobler 
standard,  which  should  grow  from,  but  never  entirely 
supplant,  its  more  deeply  rooted  but  morally  inferior 
parent. 

1  Inazo  Nitobe\  "Bushido,  "1905,  10th  edition. 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  155 

In  the  differentiation  of  custom  already  given  is  to 
be  sought  those  great  classes  of  morals  that  play  so 
Differing  important  a  part  in  human  civilization, 
codes  of  Each  set  represents  a  great  achievement,  is 
conserved  by  definite  institutions,  and  is 
imparted  to  succeeding  generations  in  formal  systems 
of  instruction.  The  church  as  the  institution  for  re- 
ligious purposes  has  developed  its  schools  and  the 
priesthood,  so  as  to  teach  through  these  principles 
of  action  for  the  regulation  of  conduct  toward  God  and 
man.  The  family  and  school  combined  impart  instruc- 
tion in  simple  morals,  and  train  the  child  to  work 
cooperatively  in  the  group.  The  state  devotes  its 
attention  to  such  customs  as  concern  the  security  and 
amplification  of  life  and  property.  Economic  institu- 
tions work  out  a  moral  code  for  business  and  fix  by 
law  and  public  opinion  the  rules  of  economic  competi- 
tion and  fair-dealing.  In  numerous  institutions  for 
moral,  esthetic  and  intellectual  purposes,  principles, 
standards  and  codes  are  worked  out,  so  that  in  any 
particular  department  of  human  activity  the  custom 
or  morals  to  be  observed  will  be  enforced  by  the  par- 
ticular public  opinion  attached  to  each  institution. 
Thus  in  every  profession  or  economic  occupation  there 
is  a  well-recognized  code  that  must  be  observed  by 
those  within  the  group,  just  as  in  athletics  players 
must  conform  to  the  rules  of  the  game,  and  just  as 
even  among  thieves  fair  play  and  "honor"  must  be 
maintained. 

Ethical  customs  of  all  sorts  are  subject  to  gradual 
modification  in  genetic  civilization,  though  such  modi- 


156  SOCIOLOGY 

fications  are  at  a  minimum  in  static  civilization.  In 
dynamic  civilization,  however,  change  is  so  necessary, 
Modifica-  that  society  has  devised  many  ways  of 
tions  in  accomplishing  it.  The  easiest  and  most 
natural  is  to  introduce  change  by  inter- 
pretation. Words  acquire  slight  variations  in  sense 
through  varying  mentalities;  there  may  be  even 
deliberate  misinterpretations  by  those  in  authority; 
secondary  and  primary  meanings  become  confused, 
and  all  these  causes  combine  to  bring  about  modifica- 
tions in  moral  codes.  The  process  can  easily  be  illus- 
trated by  a  study  of  legal  fictions,  or  of  any  commen- 
tary on  law  or  on  sacred  writings. 

A  far  more  important  system  of  modification  orig- 
inated when,  as  in  legislation,  persons  in  authority 
deliberately  canceled  an  old  custom,  introduced  a  new, 
and  compelled  conformity  to  it.  Roman  judicial  de- 
cisions under  the  empire,  the  councils  of  the  church, 
and  parliaments  or  legislatures  of  all  kinds  and  degrees 
furnish  numerous  illustrations  of  the  process.  Arti- 
ficial or  telic  customs  of  this  sort  represent  one  of  the 
great  achievements  of  dynamic  civilization,  and  though 
legislation  in  morals  is  often  unwise,  and  is  responsible 
for  many  social  evils,  yet  it  is  destined,  as  it  becomes 
scientific,  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  agencies  of  civiliza- 
tion for  the  removal  of  law  or  custom  once  useful,  that 
in  process  of  time  has  become  a  hindrance  to  higher 
civilization.  Such  revisions  of  codes  should  always  of 
course  be  sustained  by  public  opinion,  though  they  will 
be  voiced  by  the  institutional  groups  of  society,  and  by 
voluntary  organizations  formed  for  purposes  of  reform. 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    157 

In  early  civilization  emphasis  is  placed  wholly  on  group 
safety,  and  the  entire  system  of  morality  is  based  on 
group  custom.  The  special  interests  and  be- 
moraiity  ^s  °^  *'ne  ^dividual  as  such  are  of  no  impor- 
tance in  comparison  with  the  demands  of 
the  group,  and  he  must  be  prepared  to  sacrifice  life 
and  family  at  the  command  of  the  authorities.  This 
social  requirement  has  become  so  engrained  in  humanity 
by  centuries  of  training,  that  practically  all  persons  still 
comply  with  social  demands.  Whenever  public  opinion 
definitely  expresses  itself,  men  yield  to  its  commands,  even 
though,  as  in  war,  it  may  involve  the  loss  of  domestic 
comfort,  property  or  life  itself.  The  same  devotion  is 
found  also  in  the  membership  of  other  forms  of  group 
life,  as  in  domestic  and  religious  groups  or  societies, 
and  in  the  numerous  fraternities  so  common  even  among 
savage  peoples.1  This  group  cohesion  is  one  of  the 
most  valuable  products  of  civilization,  involving  as  it 
does  cooperation,  altruism  and  the  subordination  of  the 
individual  to  general  welfare. 

Public  opinion  may  demand  even  the  subjection  of 
one's  conscience  to  public  necessity,  as  voiced,  e.  g.  in 
Gino  Capponi's  famous  praise  of  those  "who  love  their 
country  better  than  the  safety  of  their  own  souls."  2 
Machiavelli's  Prince  is  another  illustration  of  this,  being 
the  familiar  argument  that  for  the  good  of  the  state 
one  may  do  all  manner  of  wickedness,  since  the  end 
justifies  the  means.  Modern  illustrations  are  numer- 
ous enough;    at  times  persons  of  excellent  morals  will 

1  See,  for  illustrations,  Hutton  Webster,  "Primitive  Secret  So- 
cieties." 2  Villari's  "Machiavelli,"  vol.  iii,  p.  253. 


158  SOCIOLOGY 

carry  out  policies  plainly  immoral,  although  seemingly 
beneficial  to  the  group  they  represent.  Hence  we  have 
the  odd  paradox  in  popular  belief  that  a  person  may 
rightfully  do  for  the  group,  what  he  as  an  individual 
is  forbidden  by  conscience  to  do.  As  a  diplomat  or 
statesman  he  may  give  bribes,  betray  confidences,  and 
oppress  the  weak  if  a  favorable  opportunity  offers.  As 
a  soldier  in  service  he  may  commit  murder,  steal  prop- 
erty, and  seek  to  inflict  damage  in  every  possible  way. 
As  the  head  of  a  corporation  he  may  bribe,  break  laws, 
and  steal  franchises  to  the  detriment  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens. As  a  politician  he  may  debauch  voters,  break 
the  laws  of  his  country,  and  violate  the  rules  of  honesty 
and  fair  dealing;  and  as  a  lawyer  he  may  use  chicanery 
in  practice,  and  teach  corporations  how  to  evade  the 
laws  he  has  sworn  to  uphold. 

In  the  beginnings  of  civilization  there  was  no  such 

chasm  between  public  and  private  interests.     Property 

in  the  main  was  communal,  social  classes  had 

Opposition 

of  public  not  definitely  been  formed,  and  all  shared 
and  private    aJike  m  toil  and  reward.     Under  such  con- 

interests 

ditions  public  opinion  voiced  by  custom  was 
a  safe  guide,  and  when  a  decision  had  once  been  made, 
opposition  was  probably  selfish  and  rightly  suppressed. 
Distinctions  gradually  crept  in  through  the  rise  of 
classes  and  the  development  of  individuals  who  dared 
to  uphold  their  beliefs  against  group  teaching.  As 
private  property  grew  in  importance  through  the  rise 
of  individual  ownership  of  land,  capital,  privileges  and 
monopolies,  the  owners  of  this  wealth  developed  a  code 
suited  to  their  own  interests,  and  not  necessarily  iden- 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     159 

tical  with  one  suited  to  the  community  as  a  whole. 
Again,  as  a  leisure  class  arose  and  differentiated  into 
the  nobility  and  the  professional  group  these  also  built 
up  their  own  codes,  so  that  in  process  of  time  what 
might  be  right  or  moral  for  one  class  might  be  wrong 
or  immoral  for  another.1  Evidently  the  dominant  class 
or  classes,  in  asserting  the  right  to  determine  what 
was  best  for  group  or  race  safety,  would  naturally 
insist  on  a  code  suited  to  their  own  interests.  Their 
decision,  however,  might  be  entirely  contrary  to  the 
beliefs  of  the  other  classes,  and  these,  if  intelligent, 
would  be  in  a  dilemma  as  to  whether  they  should 
adhere  to  the  command  of  the  dominant  group  or  to 
the  standards  of  their  own  classes.  In  modern  days 
such  struggles  even  in  advanced  societies  are  numerous; 
should,  for  example,  Friends,  or  other  advocates  of 
peace,  be  compelled  to  pay  a  war  tax  and  serve  in  the 
army;  ave  men  traitors  who  for  moral  reasons  oppose 
the  policy  of  their  government  while  it  is  engaged  in 
war;  are  dissenters  rebellious  who  refuse  to  pay  a  tax 
for  education  in  the  schools  of  a  state  church;  and 
should  an  oppressed  mass  of  citizens  fighting  against 
a  tyrannical  government  be  treated  as  rebels  or  as 
patriots?  History  is  filled  with  illustrations  of  the 
ways  in  which  social  ethics  may  differentiate  into  class 
ethics,  and  how  each  class  may  possibly  consider  its 
standards   more   worthy   of   obedience   than  the   com- 

1  A  French  nobleman  of  the  eighteenth  century  naively  put  the 
thought  in  this  form:  "God  would  hesitate  a  long  time  before  he 
would  damn  a  gentleman";  who  presumably  was  free  to  commit 
crimes  from  which  an  ordinary  man  must  refrain ! 


160  SOCIOLOGY 

mands  of  society  as  a  whole,  if  these  are  voiced  through 
a  rival  but  dominant  class. 

The  question  is  still  further  complicated  when  indi- 
viduals in  advance  of  their  age,  or  behind  it,  vigorously 
individual-  msis^  on  their  right  to  follow  their  own  con- 
istic  codes  victions  as  to  their  rightful  course  of  action, 
of  morals,  g^h  a  person  may  be  bad  or  vicious,  and 
insist  on  having  his  own  will  irrespective  of  general 
welfare;  or  he  may  be  one  who  sees  more  clearly 
the  trend  of  development,  who  abominates  passing 
standards,  and  is  willing  to  die  fighting  against  them 
and  for  what  he  considers  to  be  right;  or  he  may 
be  a  "superman"  rejoicing  in  his  strength,  trampling 
on  the  conventional,  and  determined  to  force  his  will 
on  the  community  whether  for  weal  or  woe. 

When  society,  in  place  of  a  simple  general  code  of 
morals  binding  on  all  alike,  finds  itself  thus  torn  by 
dissension  among  conflicting  codes  of  group, 
irTmorais11  c^ass  anc*  individual, '  its  alternative  is  either 
to  enforce  vigorously  a  dominant  code  and 
stamp  out  opposition  if  possible,  or  to  become  tolerant, 
insisting  merely  on  adherence  to  fundamental  provisions 
and  allowing  a  large  freedom  in  all  other  matters.  In 
democracies  liberty  is  deemed  so  essential,  that  freedom 
to  follow  the  dictates  of  one's  conscience  in  morals  as 
well  as  in  religion  is  considered  the  mark  of  a  develop- 
ing civilization.  Consequently  one  of  the  great  socio- 
logical problems  of  the  age  is  to  show  how  an  individual 
may  cheerfully  obey  a  code  set  by  a  group,  and  at  the 
same  time  satisfy  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience. 
In  other  words  how  can  a  person  be  truly  an  organic 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    161 

member  of  human  society,  and  retain  at  the  same  time 
his  personal  and  racial  individuality? 

The  solution  is  slowly  being  worked  out  in  modern 

social  regulation.     There  is,  for  example,  an  increasing 

recognition  of  the  essential  harmony  of  gen- 

.«» _i.M,».     eral    economic    and    cultural    interests.     In 

regulation. 

place  of  fierce  antagonism,  and  group  and 
class  struggle,  there  is  a  slow  movement  toward  recip- 
rocity, collective  bargaining,  joint  agreements  and  the 
arbitration  of  disputes.  The  personality  of  individuals 
is  respected  more  and  more,  and  a  sort  of  cosmopolitan 
fraternalism  succeeds  racial  and  class  hostility.  There 
are  international  associations  of  working  men,  inter- 
national groups  for  religious,  educational  and  scientific 
purposes,  and  the  diplomatic  discussions  of  nations  are 
devoted  less  to  the  laws  of  war,  and  more  to  the  rights 
of  neutrals,  and  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce. 

This  trend  is  powerfully  supported  by  the  growing 

altruism    of    humanity.     Within    the    petty    primitive 

group  there  was  sympathy  one  for  another 

Humanita-  i       i,       •    ,•  ,•    •■        e  1  ir 

rian  ethics  anc*  altruistic  activity  lor  general  welfare, 
but  enmity  and  a  policy  of  exploitation 
expressed  the  group  attitude  toward  all  outside  of  it. 
Again,  the  cultural  development  of  the  group  was  so 
slight  that  what  sympathy  and  altruism  existed,  was 
relatively  of  a  low  order,  involving  chiefly  the  satis- 
faction of  physical  needs.  The  movement  to  include 
within  the  group  as  worthy  of  altruistic  service  others 
than  those  of  one's  kin  or  nationality,  has  been  remark- 
ably slow  in  development,  but  modern  illustrations  of 
it  can  readily  be  traced  in  the  great  anti-slavery  and 


162  SOCIOLOGY 

missionary  movements  of  the  last  two  hundred  years. 
We  are  yet  far  from  an  era  of  the  brotherhood  of  man, 
even  though  religion  theoretically  assumes  that  "God 
.  .  .  made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  of  the  earth"; 
but  as  men  are  drawn  closer  together  by  common 
interests  and  better  knowledge  of  one  another's  nobler 
qualities,  there  may  tend  to  develop  a  race  or  group 
morality  that  will  allow  no  distinctions  based  on  dif- 
ference in  color  or  degree  of  civilization.  As  Burns 
puts  it, 

"  It's  comin'  yet  for  a'  that, 
That  man  to  man,  the  warld  o'er, 
Shall  brothers  be  for  a'  that!  "  ' 

In  addition  to  this  broadening  of  the  group,  there 
has  been  also  a  deepening  of  the  intensity  of  altru- 
istic feeling.  The  simple,  spontaneous  sym- 
aitruism  pathy  of  natural  kinship  is  unreflecting  and 
injudicious.  It  acts  on  the  impulse  of  the 
moment,  without  thought  of  consistency  or  conse- 
quences. But  as  the  race  develops  in  experience  and 
in  mentality,  its  sympathies  become  ordered,  purposive 
and  consistent.  Temporary  alleviation  of  distress 
changes  into  a  desire  to  banish  the  causes  of  misery, 
and  spasmodic  altruism  becomes  a  humanitarianism 
so  generous  in  its  scope  as  to  include  animal  and  plant 
life  and  an  appreciation  of  the  beauty  of  nature  itself. 
This  deepening  of  human  interests  can  be  traced  best 
from  the  eighteenth  century,  when  in  western  Europe, 
though    especially   in    France,    there   came   a   growing 

1  Burns,  "Is  there,  for  honest  poverty." 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     163 

emphasis  on  the  humane  and  the  natural.  The  strength 
of  this  newer  sympathy  can  be  noted  even  in  the  wild 
scenes  of  the  French  Revolution,  when  the  French  by 
legislation  attempted  to  forbid  cruelty  to  animals,  to 
alleviate  the  conditions  of  the  proletariat,  to  exalt  the 
status  of  women,  and  to  emphasize  the  equality  and 
fraternity  of  mankind.  From  those  days  to  the  present, 
in  higher  civilization  cruelty  in  any  form  whatsoever  has 
become  abhorrent;  the  pain  of  surgery,  the  suffering  of 
neglected  childhood,  the  woes  of  a  half-starved  prole- 
tariat, the  misery  involved  in  crime,  vice,  pauperism, 
slavery,  vivisection,  ill  treatment  of  animals,1  or  even 
wanton  injury  to  trees  or  natural  scenery,  are  all  studied 
so  as  to  remove  the  evil  involved. 

This   altruistic   development   indicates   the  changing 

bases  of  morality.     In  a  simple  economic   civilization 

the  cultural  side  of  social  life  must  be  corre- 

A  new  basis  v      i         •        1  i  tj.  •  j.        c 

for  morality  sPondmgly  simple,  and  morality  consists  of 
the  homely  virtues  strengthened  through 
struggle  against  odds.  When,  however,  economic  con- 
ditions become  complex,  the  earlier  sort  of  morality 
yields  in  part  to  the  broader  aspects  of  cultural  civil- 
ization. The  morality  of  freedom  succeeds  customary 
and  compulsory  morality.  The  individual  must  move 
in  the  midst  of  a  thousand  temptations  and  yet  exer- 
cise self-control.  He  is  not  so  much  to  avoid  a  pen- 
alty as  to  learn  how  wisely  to  choose  happiness.  We 
are  passing,  as  Dr.  Patten2  puts  it,  from  a  pain  to 
a   pleasure   economy.     We   are   set   against  pain  and 

^ee  Henry  S.  Salt.  "  Animals'  Rights." 
2  "  The  Theory  of  Social  Forces." 


164  SOCIOLOGY 

purpose  to  minimize  it.  We  desire  to  multiply  the 
happiness  of  men  and  to  develop  their  natures  so 
that  they  will  adapt  themselves  to  newer  standards 
of  altruism;  for  we  have  become  deeply  sympathetic 
and  will  rest  satisfied  only  with  the  perfect  happiness 
of  every  man — an 'eternal  task,  since  perfect  happiness 
is  always  in  the  future,  and  impossible  of  human  attain- 
ment. Sympathy,  however,  will  become  increasingly 
positive,  but  in  place  of  sympathy  with  suffering,  will 
come  sympathy  with  joy  and  happiness,  and  the  kin- 
ship of  kindliness  will  take  the  place  of  the  primitive 
kinship  of  blood.1  Like  the  joy  of  a  mother  as  she 
watches  the  play  of  her  children  and  dreams  of  their 
continued  happiness  and  helpfulness  in  maturity,  so 
society  as  a  fostering  parent  will  strive  to  free  her  chil- 
dren from  pain,  to  lead  them  into  the  paths  of  happi- 
ness, and  as  they  mature  will  expect  them  to  dedicate 
their  lives  to  the  common  well-being. 

The  coming  stage  therefore  in  ethical  standards  will 
be  brought  about  by  the  telic  development  of  moral 
ideals.     Prohibitive  codes  and  minute  regu- 
ideahsm        lations  of  all  sorts  are  already  rapidly  becom- 
ing obsolete;    while  a  full  freedom  of  con- 
science must  be  maintained,  a  wise  social  policy  will 
see  to  it  that  individual  minds  are  trained  under  such 
stimulating    surroundings    that    they    will    easily    and 
^spontaneously    turn    toward    the   nobler   standards   of 
action.     The  doctrine  of  the  innate  depravity  of  man 
has  fortunately  gone  to  join   the  hell  from  which  it 
sprung,  and  in  place  of  it  religion  teaches  men  to  believe 

1  See  Charles  F.  Dole,  "The  Coming  People." 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     165 

in  the  essential  Godlikeness  of  humanity.  The  goal 
therefore  in  social  ethics  is  plain;  on  the  assumption 
that  men  prefer  right  to  wrong  under  proper  condi- 
tions in  life,  the  aim  of  ethical  reforms  should  be  to 
moralize  the  conditions  of  human  existence  through 
economic  changes,  to  stimulate  moral  idealism  by  wiser 
education  and  training,  to  remove  as  rapidly  as  possible 
from  our  codes  prohibitions  and  restraints,  and  then, 
by  the  pressure  of  intelligent  public  opinion,  to  guide 
social  morality  along  lines  that  racial  experience  and 
reflection  have  shown  to  be  productive  of  race  safety 
and  human  happiness. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 
(Continued) 

VI.  Cultural  Development 

When  Plato  in  his  "Republic"  tried,  for  argu- 
ment's sake,  to  depict  the  delights  of  the  simple  life, 
Basis  of  fastidious  Glaucon  protested  on  the  ground 
cultural         that  such  an  existence  was  more  suited  for 

civilization.    &    community    0f    swine    than    0f    men.l      A 

similar  objection  would  hold  in  regard  to  a  civiliza- 
tion based  merely  on  material  achievement.  If  phys- 
ical enjoyment  and  the  amassing  of  wealth  were  the 
final  pursuits  of  society,  others  besides  Huxley  would 
wish  for  a  kindly  comet  to  come  and  sweep  away  the 
earth  into  primitive  chaos.  Yet  in  social  evolution  all 
things  are  traceable  to  humble  origins,  and  the  Greek 
ideals  of  the  good,  the  beautiful  and  the  true,  are  after 
all  mere  by-products  of  the  material  and  the  useful. 
The  chief  defect  of  Indian  philosophy  is  the  neglect 
of  this  principle.  Its  philosophers  in  their  search  for 
truth  failed  to  see  the  necessity  of  scientific  knowledge 
as  a  basis  for  a  developed  material  civilization,  which 
in  its  turn  would  be  a  basis  for  art  and  philosophy. 
They  fixed  their  attention  on  transcendental  themes, 
to  the  neglect  of  the  world  of  activity,  which  indeed 

'Book  II,  Sec.  372. 
166 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     167 

to  them  seemed  mere  illusion  in  comparison  to  absorp- 
tion in  the  infinite.  By  this  reversion  of  the  natural 
order  of  social  evolution,  India  developed  marvelous 
systems  of  religion  and  philosophy,  well  worthy  of  pro- 
foundest  respect,  the  effect  of  which,  however,  has 
been  to  deaden  social  energy  and  to  heap  up  an  end- 
less burden  of  ritualism  and  superstition  on  an  inert 
and  poverty-stricken  population.  Had  that  same  intel- 
lectual capacity  devoted  itself  to  scientific  achievement, 
yoking  in  that  way  intellectuality  and  material  prog- 
ress, India  would  now  in  all  probability  be  a  dominant 
nation,  wealthy  and  powerful,  having  all  the  conditions 
for  cultural  civilization,  and  would  supply  to  the  world 
a  philosophy  less  transcendental  presumably,  but  more 
true  to  science.  For  only  through  material  attainment 
does  it  become  possible  to  free  a  relatively  large  part 
of  a  population  from  economic  toil,  and  to  make  knowl- 
edge accessible  to  all.  As  long  as  a  civilization  is 
agricultural,  neglecting  commerce  and  manufactures,  it 
is  impossible  to  amass  a  surplus  for  the  comfortable 
support  of  a  relatively  large  leisure  class.  Increased 
wealth  in  the  community  makes  possible  a  wide  dif- 
fusion of  knowledge  and  the  utilization  of  dormant 
mental  energy.  Capacity  for  the  highest  mentality 
is  potential  in  the  humblest  human  stock,  but  can  be 
called  forth  only  by  centuries  of  training  under  the 
most  favorable  conditions.  These,  in  the  form  of  leisure 
and  a  stimulating  mental  environment,  have  come  to 
some  extent  to-day,  when  a  man  by  his  power  over 
nature  is  enabled  to  perform  through  machinery  the 
work  of  a  thousand  men.     It  is  important,  therefore, 


168  SOCIOLOGY 

to  see  that  sociological  theory  emphasizes  the  material 
as  fundamental,  not  because  it  is  relatively  better 
than  the  cultural,  but  because  without  it  cultural 
civilization  becomes  fantastic  in  aim,  the  monopoly  of 
a  few,  and  the  adornment  of  a  class,  rather  than  the 
inspiration  of  a  people. 

Ethnological   studies  show   clearly  how  readily  the 

human  mind,  when  bodily  wants  are  satisfied  and  foods 

,    ,     are  abundant,  turns  toward  the  esthetic,  and 

Growth  of   ,  '  .  '  . 

cultural  reflects  on  the  moralities  of  human  relation- 
achieve-  ships  and  on  the  supernatural.  For  under 
such  conditions  social  companionship  becomes 
possible,  language  grows  by  use,  there  is  a  play  of  mind 
on  mind,  and  kindlier  feelings  are  developed.  Every 
achievement  out  of  the  usual  attracts  attention,  and 
by  imitation  becomes  a  group  possession ;  reminiscences 
and  interpretations  of  experiences  are  exchanged,  and 
the  mind,  receptive  to  such  knowledge,  becomes  stored 
with  useful  information.  Combinations  of  color,  the 
rhythm  of  motion  and  tone,  early  captivated  men's 
imagination,  and  the  beauty  of  the  celestial  bodies 
and  the  blue  sky  called  out  a  reverence  for  something 
bigger  and  better  than  the  petty  round  of  material 
experience.  These  higher  appreciations  reacted  on  the 
routine  of  their  daily  life,  so  that  they  saw  beauty  in 
the  sheltering  tree,  in  the  spring  that  supplied  refresh- 
ing water,  in  the  friendly  faces  of  companions  and  in 
the  graceful  gamboling  of  playing  children.1  Then  they 
strove  to  actualize  their  esthetic  imaginings,  and  made 

1  For  studies  showing  the  social  importance  of  play,  see  Karl  Groos, 
"  The  Play  of  Animals,"  and  "  The  Play  of  Man." 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS    169 

constant  attempts  to  adorn  their  utensils,  weapons  and 
habitations,  and  to  beautify  their  bodies  by  ornamen- 
tation and  clothing,  itself  probably  chiefly  intended 
then  and  largely  even  now  for  purposes  of  adornment. 
Under  such  influences  by  slow  degrees  the  human  nerv- 
ous system  became  differentiated  so  as  to  respond  to 
higher  emotions,  so  that  men  sought  to  satisfy  the 
craving  for  the  thrill  and  ecstasy  of  life  by  rude  attempts 
in  dancing,  music,  poetry  and  the  drama;  and,  as  the 
hand  became  flexible,  in  symbolic  drawings.  As  the 
intellect  became  able  to  concentrate  its  attention  on 
the  properties  and  relationships  of  things,  as  well  as 
on  things  themselves,  there  came  notions  of  goodness 
based  on  an  appreciation  of  what  was  safe  for  the  group, 
and  the  conclusion  that  what  the  group  considered 
useful,  good  and  beautiful  was  also  true,  and  as  truth 
should  be  fixed  by  custom  and  held  sacred. 

As  these  standards  became  hallowed  by  time,  they 
became  conventionalized  and  tended  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  civilization.  Set  customs,  beliefs 
standards  an^  standards  hold  men  in  bondage  to  a 
dead  ancestry,  so  that  the  very  goodness  of  the 
past  may  become  a  curse  to  the  present.  As  the  Greeks 
used  to  say,  "the  good  is  often  the  enemy  of  the  best." 
Civilization  attains  a  relative  goodness,  sanctions  it, 
passes  it  on  by  custom  and  tradition,  and  then  easily 
assumes  that  anything  in  opposition  is  false  and  bad. 
Even  in  the  United  States  to  be  charged  with  heresy 
and  radicalism  is  a  serious  crime  in  popular  estimation, 
but  in  static  civilization  it  is  high  treason  and  the 
unpardonable  sin. 


170  SOCIOLOGY 

The  fundamental  conditions  of  social  life  have  often, 
however,  been  upset  by  war  or  by  economic  necessity 
_  or  by  some  great  inventive  achievement,  and 

Dynamic         .  . 

changes  in     in   consequence   newer  cultural   ideals   have 
cultural        arisen.     This  difference  may  be  introduced 

ideals 

by  the  differing  ideals  of  the  conquerors,  or 
mentality  may  quicken  through  social  friction,  and 
cultural  standards  develop  to  a  higher  plane  in  the 
minds  of  the  leisure  class.  These  standards  by  imita- 
tion, conscious  or  unconscious,  would  pass  down  into 
the  mass  of  the  race  and  thus  slowly  supersede  lower 
standards.  By  repeated  changes  of  this  sort  there 
would  develop  constantly  rising  standards  of  cultural 
civilization,  and  slow  progress  would  take  place.  If 
on  the  other  hand  the  material  conditions  of  life  should 
become  steadily  worse  for  a  given  race,  degeneration 
would  follow;  for  a  people,  like  an  individual,  sinks 
into  degradation  when  it  loses  its  self-respect. 

Fortunately  for  cultural  civilization  dynamic  changes 

developed  a  class  of  masterful  persons  who  attained 

for  themselves  wealth  and  leisure.     Out  of 

The  leisure     .  i  •         i  r        i     r  •         a  l 

class  ^nis    c^ass>    freed    from    economic    struggle, 

came  a  long  line  of  statesmen,  warriors, 
priests,  idealists  and  thinkers,  who  devoted  themselves 
to  cultural  achievements,  and  thus  gave  a  mighty 
impetus  to  higher  civilization.  The  members  of  a 
leisure  class  with  relatively  powerful  mentality,  de- 
barred by  custom  from  participation  in  menial  indus- 
trial pursuits  or  trade,  must  turn  their  energy  either 
into  wasteful  or  else  apparently  non-useful  directions. 
They  may  devote  themselves  mainly  to  dissipation,  to 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS  171 

games  and  athletic  exercises  or  to  ceremonial  social 
life ;  or  they  may  seek  to  occupy  their  minds  with  esthetic 
and  intellectual  pursuits,  devoting  themselves  to  art, 
music,  literature  and  the  drama,  or  to  science  and 
philosophy.  Doubtless  a  large  part  of  the  energy  of 
the  leisure  class  was  wasted  or  worse  than  wasted,  but 
here  and  there,  tasks  undertaken  so  as  to  escape  ennui, 
the  curse  of  leisure,  became  in  process  of  time  pleasur- 
able in  themselves,  so  that  many  persons  became  really 
fond  of  the  esthetic  and  intellectual.  Their  manifest 
delight  in  their  new  occupations  stimulated  others  to 
like  pursuits,  and  created  a  feeling  of  emulation,  so  that 
gradually  there  arose  a  conviction  that  mental  and 
social  superiority  were  indicated  by  the  possession  of 
cultural  desires  and  by  a  knowledge  of  cultural  achieve- 
ments. Then  began  that  movement  toward  cultural 
civilization  into  which  mankind  is  slowly  passing  at 
the  present  time.  Cultural  knowledge  and  desires 
have  so  far  come  to  be  considered  the  mark  of  high 
breeding,  that  every  person  who  aspires  to  be  ranked 
high  in  social  estimation  must  at  any  rate  have  the 
appearance  of  culture. 

Hence,    historically    speaking,    the    children    of    the 
leisure    class    were    to    some   extent    withdrawn    from 

play  and  natural  pursuits  and  compelled  to 
slavery         spend  long  hours  in  study,   with  the  hope 

that  they  might  attain  a  love  for  the  esthetic 
and  the  philosophic,  or  at  any  rate  seem  to  have  a 
knowledge  of  these  cultural  accomplishments.  In 
essence  this  is  a  kind  of  slavery.  Just  as  forced  labor 
developed  in  man  a  fondness  for  work  and  physical 


172  SOCIOLOGY 

exercise,  so  compulsory  service  in  mental  toil  is  thought 
to  create  ultimately  a  taste  for  higher  education,  the 
shibboleth  of  modern  society.  This  newer  slavery,  like 
economic  slavery,  has  its  good  and  bad  aspects.  Eco- 
nomic slavery  is  certainly  evil  in  that  it  emphasizes 
a  dull  and  monotonous  routine  of  tiresome  labor,  with- 
out incentive,  and  lacking  all  stimulus  to  higher  achieve- 
ment. The  treadmill  of  higher  education,  in  so  far 
as  it  reproduces  such  slavery  in  the  intellectual  field, 
is  also  evil.  As  in  the  classical  education  of  the  Chinese, 
or  the  traditional  curriculum  of  old-fashioned  colleges, 
obsolete  teachings,  once  noble  and  inspiring,  may  be 
so  spun  out  into  endless  detail  as  to  produce  ineffable 
weariness  in  the  mind  of  the  pupil,  who  in  daily  life 
lives  in  an  entirely  different  atmosphere.  Yet  the  mind 
by  endless  repetition  may  become  so  used  to  its  routine 
as  to  like  it,  and  may  become  blinded  to  higher  and 
broader  achievements  through  devotion  to  the  dead; 
like  the  ass  that,  released  from  the  weary  path  of  the 
millstone,  still  treads  it  out  of  habit,  to  the  neglect 
of  the  clover  fields  beyond.  On  the  other  hand  slavery 
has  a  distinct  utility,  when  it  accustoms  men  to  work 
and  produces  economic  results;  so  also  there  may  be 
a  utility  in  compulsory  mental  work,  if  it  result  in  men- 
tal training. 

One  should  never  forget,  however,  that  compulsion 
and  slavery  are  marks  of  low  civilization,  and  best 
suited  to  the  conditions  and  needs  of  primitive  hu- 
manity. It  seems  like  a  contradiction  of  terms  to 
think  of  compulsion  in  higher  education,  as  though 
Socrates  or  Plato  should  compel  his  students  to  recite  on 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS    173 

Attic  philosophy,  or  insist  that  they  display  high  intel- 
ligence in  their  replies  to  interrogations,  under  penalty 
of   expulsion.      If  Greeks   are   made   slaves, 

Higher  edu-  .  ' 

cation  for  one  feels  the  incongruity  of  it.  Compulsory 
the  elite  education  given  from  the  view  point  of  men- 
tal gymnastics,  dulls  the  mind,  destroys  the 
incentive  to  achievement,  and  develops  prigs  and  pedants 
instead  of  an  elite.  In  other  words  cultural  educa- 
tion should  not  be  imparted  merely  to  children  of  a 
wealthy  class  as  a  testimonial  of  social  superiority,  and 
should  never  be  presented  in  any  traditional  form. 
Rather  it  should  be  held  out  in  its  highest  and  most 
inspiring  forms  as  a  prize  for  the  capable,  made  acces- 
sible even  to  the  humblest  born;  and  those  should  be 
stimulated  to  attain  it  who  feel  in  their  hearts  the 
desire  to  get  beyond  the  material  and  to  grasp  after 
the  ideals  of  higher  civilization. 

There  is  a  certain  type  of  mind  that  even  in  child- 
hood begins  to  manifest  its  superiority  by  the  receptive 
manner  in  which  it  holds  itself  toward  the 
The  world   round    about.     There   are    eyes   that 

receptive  i  •     i 

mind.  see  not  and  ears  that  hear  not,  but  a  mind 

which  has  the  scientific  faculty  of  observa- 
tion is  different  in  quality.  It  sees,  compares  and 
classifies,  thus  storing  up  ideas  and  judgments  for 
future  use.  If  it  then  has  presented  to  it  a  developing 
series  of  useful  information  and  knowledge,  with  hints 
as  to  possible  attainments  in  the  future,  imagination 
begins  to  work  on  the  material  already  acquired,  and 
to  reshape  it  into  creative  forms.  If  the  mind,  for  exam- 
ple, is  made  familiar  with  tools,  the  properties  of  matter, 


174  SOCIOLOGY 

* 

and  the  utilization  of  natural  energy,  it  turns  intui- 
tively into  the  direction  of  invention,  and  by  experi- 
mentation endeavors  to  make  an  improvement  in  some 
familiar  field,  or  from  known  laws  and  principles  seeks 
to  work  out  in  the  laboratory  a  new  scientific  truth. 
If,  again,  the  mind  becomes  familiar  with  esthetic 
standards,  during  adolescence  its  higher  emotions  will 
turn  toward  ideals  of  beauty  in  form,  color  or  sound, 
and  in  sculpture,  painting  or  music  will  seek  to  embody 
in  tangible  shape  the  ideals  of  the  imagination  strug- 
gling for  expression.  As  the  years  of  maturity  approach, 
ideals  of  ingenuity  and  beauty  lead  it  to  ideals  of 
goodness  and  truth,  and  the  great  principles  of  ethics 
and  philosophy  fascinate  one's  attention.  From  that 
time  forth  the  student  has  sounded  the  depths  of  human 
experience  and  is  prepared  for  high  civilization.  He 
has  passed  from  the  material  to  the  esthetic,  and  thence 
to  the  moral  and  the  intellectual.  He  appreciates  the 
worth  of  economic  principles  and  the  value  of  culture, 
and  has  become  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term  edu- 
cated. Yet  this  is  by  no  means  a  common  experience. 
Many  children  through  heredity  are  hopelessly  dull 
and  unimaginative.  Many  more  are  made  so  by  defec- 
tive training  in  home  or  school,  so  that  the  higher 
capacities  of  their  minds  become  atrophied.  Others 
may  become  expert  in  inventive  directions  but  may 
never  gain  appreciation  of  the  cultural  elements  of  life. 
Others  again  may  develop  the  esthetic  but  not  the 
moral  or  the  intellectual,  and  become  perverts,  socially 
injurious  in  spite  of  their  artistic  qualifications.  Or 
the  moral  may  be  developed  without  the  intellectual, 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     175 

or  the  intellectual  without  the  moral,  or,  as  so  com- 
monly is  the  case,  persons  may  be  trained  in  all  of 
these,  but  so  defectively  in  method  or  in  accuracy, 
that  they  are  seriously  handicapped  by  the  neces- 
sity of  rejecting  in  the  future  much  of  their  past 
instruction. 

Yet  the  hope  of  future  improvement  in  higher  civil- 
ization lies  in  the  possibility  of  the  multiplication  of 
cultural  achievement.  Life  must  really  be 
portance  "of  mac^e  worth  living  not  for  the  few  only  but 
cultural  for  the  many.  At  present  it  is  a  mere 
ac  ieve-        existence   to   most,   often   unendurable,    and 

ment.  ' 

frequently  evaded  by  suicide.  The  pleas- 
ures of  physical  appetites,  even  if  abundantly  satisfied, 
as  is  rarely  the  case,  are  short  in  duration  and  decrease 
in  intensity  with  age.  A  joyless  old  age  is  inevitable 
for  those  who  live  for  physical  gratification  only.  Even 
if  happiness  is  found  in  economic  pursuit  and  the  amass- 
ing of  wealth,  absorption  in  this  alone  dwarfs  a  man's 
intellect  and  starves  his  soul.  Economic  attainment 
and  achievement  are  fundamental  to  the  individual  as 
well  as  to  society,  but  chiefly  as  a  foundation  on  which 
he  may  erect  the  real  habitation  of  the  mind,  viz.  a 
love  for  culture,  a  thirst  for  knowledge,  and  the  joy 
of  achievement.  The  happiness  in  cultural  attainment 
is  permanent,  for  it  is  easily  recalled  to  the  memory, 
strengthens  by  use,  and  remains  through  life.  The 
physical  passions  and  appetites  are  few  in  number, 
are  easily  satiated,  and  over-indulgence  becomes  pain- 
ful; but  the  esthetic,  moral  and  intellectual  desires  are 
innumerable,  and  the  more  one  develops  his  capacity 


176  SOCIOLOGY 

in  these  directions,  the  greater  becomes  the  number 
of  possibilities  for  their  satisfaction.  When  such  ideals 
as  these  possess  the  mind,  it  becomes  absorbed  in  them 
to  the  exclusion  of  vice  and  dissipation.  The  higher 
subordinates  the  lower,  and  the  person  has,  sociologi- 
cally speaking,  "become  converted." 

For  such  reasons  the  social  importance  of  having 
a  fraction  at  least  of  society  set  apart  for  cultural 
The  telic  achievement  should  be  fully  recognized.  In 
achievement  genetic  civilization  this  of  course  is  done  by 
separating  from  the  mass  a  nobility  or  a 
professional  class,  freeing  them  from  the  necessity 
of  economic  toil,  and  then  in  a  sense  trusting  to 
luck  that  they  will  produce  a  cultural  civilization 
worthy  of  the  group.  Whether  or  not  this  is  the 
result,  it  is,  at  all  events,  like  all  genetic  achievement, 
highly  expensive  in  proportion  to  the  benefits  received. 
Not  only  do  these  classes  achieve  much  that  is  socially 
injurious  along  with  the  beneficial,  but  the  good  rela- 
tively decreases  as  the  classes  become  hereditary.  If 
a  noble  and  professional  class  were  made  up  only  of 
those  who  had  shown  their  capacity  by  their  deeds, 
it  might  well  be  given  generous  economic  support  so 
as  to  induce  it  to  continue  its  achiev^nents.  An 
hereditary  class,  however,  produces  the  usual  per  cent 
of  dullards  and  aimless  individuals,  who  naturally 
should  drop  back  into  the  ranks  of  industrial  workers, 
but  who  instead  are  supported  at  the  expense  of  society 
and  become  social  drones  and  parasites.  The  first 
great  demand  therefore  in  social  theorizing  in  regard  to 
the  leisure  class  is  that  membership  in  it  be  thrown  open 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     177 

to  competition.  Plato  in  his  "  Republic  "  advocated 
such  a  system  and  would  have  the  highest  positions 
in  society  open  to  the  most  capable  citizens,  irrespec- 
tive of  rank  or  sex.  The  ancient  Chinese  system  of 
office  holding  is  based  on  the  same  idea,  and,  aside  from 
the  fact  that  the  standards  of  success  demanded  a 
mastery  of  antiquated  knowledge,  if  honestly  admin- 
istered would  be  most  excellent.  At  any  rate  one  of 
the  most  important  developments  in  social  history  is 
the  rise  of  a  demand  that  an  hereditary  leisure  class 
shall  give  place  to  one  chosen  for  capacity  and  achieve- 
ment. As  Napoleon  put  it,  there  was  a  marshal's 
baton  in  the  knapsack  of  every  French  soldier;  or  as 
a  Republican  politician  once  coarsely  said,  even  a  New 
York  hangman  can  aspire  to  and  become  President  of 
the  United  States.1 

This  great  change  we  already  see  in  process  of  con- 
summation.    In  nearly  all  civilized  countries  men  from 
the  ranks  may  push  to  the  front,  lead  armies, 

A  career  ,     ,  •    , 

for  talent  govern  states,  manage  great  economic  inter- 
ests, enter  the  professions,  or  become  the 
artists  and  philosophers  of  the  age.  In  consequence 
of  this  change  many  offices  once  unpaid  are  now  paid 
so  as  to  furnish  a  means  of  support  to  their  holders; 
fees,  patents  and  copyrights  supply  income;  and  artis- 
tic achievements  find  a  ready  sale  in  the  markets. 
Membership  in  the  leisure  class,  therefore,  is  in  part 
on  a  competitive  basis;    it  is  thrown  open  to  all  mem- 

1  For  typical  studies  of  theories  of  class  struggle,  see  Bibliography 
under  names  W.  H.  Mallock,  W.  J.  Ghent,  and  T.  B.  Veblen.  Note 
also  Wallis'  "An  Examination  of  Society,"  first  four  chapters. 


178  SOCIOLOGY 

bers  of  society,  and  economic  support  is  generously 
given  from  the  returns  of  industrial  production  to 
those   who   maintain   cultural   achievement. 

There  are,   however,   other  possibilities  of  improve- 
ment in  connection  with  the  leisure  class.     Membership 
in  it  is  filled  by  genetic  not  telic  choice,  and 

Genetic  1  •  1  •    i  ,       •      •         •,    i_i 

choice  ere  aSam  much  social  waste  is  inevitable. 

Society  makes  no  attempt  to  select  its  capa- 
ble citizens  and  train  them  for  cultural  achievement. 
It  waits  until  a  person  has  fought  his  way  to  notice 
and  made  his  achievement,  and  then  receives  him  into 
the  charmed  circle  of  leisure.  The  theory  in  justifica- 
tion of  this  is  that  a  talented  person  or  a  genius  will 
inevitably  become  famous,  and  that  the  very  process 
of  intensive  struggle  is  essential  to  greatness.  There 
is  of  course  some  truth  in  this;  some  great  men  do 
struggle  up  from  the  ranks  to  leadership,  and  a  certain 
kind  of  greatness  is  best  developed  in  the  school  of 
hard  knocks. 

The  question  arises,  however,  whether  many  naturally 
gifted  persons  are  not  physically  and  mentally  stunted 

by  the  wretched  environment  of  their  early 

Wasteful- 

ness  of  youth ;  whether  many  others  are  not  so 
genetic  poorly  circumstanced  through  poverty  and 
the  lack  of  stimulating  mental  surroundings, 
that  the  energy  of  their  minds  is  expended  in  inferior 
directions;  whether  others  again  arc  not  distorted  by 
unscientific  education,  so  that  they  never  attain  to 
their  real  possibilities;  and  whether,  finally,  there  are 
not  some  natures  so  sensitive  and  refined,  that  their 
best  products  become  blighted  in  a  keenly  competitive 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     179 

system,  so  that  the  aggressive  only  survives  but  not 
the  ethereal  and  the  spiritual.  "In  quietness  the 
divine  is  born,"  not  in  Wall  Street  or  in  the  stock  yards 
of  Chicago. 

Gray's  "  Elegy  in  a  Country  Churchyard,"  is  an  apt 
illustration  of  the  newer  thought.  There  is  latent  in 
Latent  *he   mass   °f   mankind,   of   whatever   degree 

caient  and  of  civilization,  a  very  much  larger  per  cent 
genms.         Q£  ^a]en^  anc|  genius  than  ever  will  come  to 

notice  through  its  own  unaided  exertions,  and  some 
method  should  be  devised  whereby  this  potential  capac- 
ity, so  greatly  needed  by  society,  may  be  developed  and 
utilized  for  cultural  achievement. 

There  is  undoubtedly  latent  in  every  society  an 
enormous  amount  of  capacity  for  material  invention, 
only  awaiting  proper  training  and  opportunity  for 
usefulness.  In  the  same  manner  right  training  and 
opportunity  in  cultural  civilization  for  all  would  call 
out  latent  power  that  would  enrich  with  its  achieve- 
ments the  society  that  gave  it  life  and  nurture.  If 
children  at  birth  are  favored  with  a  normal  physique 
and  mentality,  are  wisely  trained  in  body  and  mind, 
are  freed  from  the  handicap  of  extreme  poverty,  sur- 
rounded by  the  evidences  of  cultural  life,  and  stimulated 
by  contact  with  higher  education,  all  the  conditions 
are  present  that  should  result  in  the  development  of 
whatever  talent  and  genius  there  is.  Then  if  society 
is  dynamic,  abundant  opportunity  will  arise  and  allow 
expression  to  talent  or  genius.  It  matters  little  whether 
this  be  in  one  direction  or  another.  Rarely  does  it 
happen  that  talent  is  suited  to  one  occupation  only. 


180  SOCIOLOGY 

Any  sphere  of  activity  that  opens  itself  is  sufficient. 
The  pent-up  energy,  guided  by  a  well-trained  intellect, 
soon  finds  its  appropriate  task  and  will  achieve  in  almost 
any  conceivable  direction.  One  of  the  chief  aims  of 
society,  therefore,  should  be  to  provide  for  its  citizens 
a  favoring  environment  in  the  way  of  libraries,  museums, 
art  institutes  and  kindred  cultural  agencies,  and  to 
provide  carefully  planned  systems  of  education  of 
many  kinds,  and  a  healthful  physical  and  economic 
environment.  Its  reward  will  come  in  the  material 
and   cultural  achievements  made  by  its   citizens. 

There  is  still  another  point  needing  attention  in 
respect  to  the  leisure  class.  To  many  it  seems  un- 
Leisure  fiur  ^nat  society  should  be  divided,  even  if 
and  the  intelligently  done,  into  a  leisure  class  and 
in  ustnes.  &  c\ass  0f  industrial  workers.  It  is  argued 
that  the  leisure  class  also  should  engage  in  industrial 
labor,  so  as  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  material  side  of 
civilization  and  thus  be  identified  with  humanity  as 
a  whole;  and  on  the  other  hand  it  is  asserted  that 
the  industrial  class  should  be  allowed  leisure,  in  order 
that  they  might  make  some  attainment  in  cultural 
knowledge  and  share  to  a  small  extent  at  least  in  its 
achievements.  From  the  sociological  standpoint  the 
force  of  the  argument  must  be  admitted.  Permanently 
mankind  cannot  remain  half  cultural,  half  industrial 
in  occupation.  Yet  if  participation  in  industrial  life 
by  the  leisure  class  meant  a  lessening  of  achievement 
in  cultural  civilization,  it  would  be  more  expedient  to 
condone  a  social  cleavage  than  to  lessen  the  output  of 
higher  civilization.     Indications,  however,  are  pointing 


THE  DEVELOPMENT   OF  SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     181 

to  a  possible  solution  that  in  process  of  time  may  solve 
the  dilemma.  As  man  advances  in  knowledge  he 
learns  how  more  effectively  to  master  nature,  to  ma- 
nipulate its  resources  at  will,  and  to  harness  for  his 
purposes  its  energy  and  productivity.  Each  forward 
step  implies  that  men  shall  henceforth  rely  less  on 
their  own  muscular  exertions  and  more  on  mental 
capacity.  The  mechanical,  routine  drudgery  of  life 
is  slowly  passing  away,  and  in  its  place  is  coming  a 
demand  for  trained  intellect  utilizing  machinery.  But 
this  implies  far  greater  productivity  for  the  same 
amount  of  human  energy.  Hence  it  is  becoming  possi- 
ble to  reduce  the  necessary  hours  of  daily  labor  from 
fifteen  to  twelve,  from  twelve  to  ten,  from  ten  to  nine, 
from  nine  to  eight,  and  the  time  will  yet  come  when 
from  three  to  four  hours  per  day  will  be  ample  for  all 
purposes.  As  the  working  day  decreases  in  length, 
the  worker  will  find  himself  with  abundant  leisure  on 
his  hands,  and  he  also  will  find  pleasure  in  the  arts, 
in  science  and  in  philosophic  meditation.  In  short,  all 
will  become  members  of  the  leisure  class,  for  all  will 
have  energy  and  opportunity  for  the  cultivation  of 
the  higher  life.  For  this  reason  sociology  insists  on 
the  final  elimination  of  unskilled  and  wretchedly  paid 
labor  and  the  substitution  of  machinery  for  it.  With 
it  will  go  the  large  family  of  the  improvident,  reared 
in  crowded  tenements  and  so  prolific  in  vice,  crime 
and  pauperism.  When  unskilled  labor  and  ignorance 
disappear  from  civilization,  the  social  reformer  will  at 
last  come  into  his  own,  and  Utopians  may  rest  in 
peace. 


182  SOCIOLOGY 

Sociology,  therefore,  is  in  essence  neither  aristocratic 
nor  democratic,  but  prefers  a  synthesis  of  these  social 
The  real  ideals.  All  are  called  to  social  achievement, 
classes  in  many  strive  to  accomplish,  and  some  succeed 
society.  beyond  their  early  dreams.  The  real  elite 
in  society,  the  real  aristocracy,  is  made  up  of  those 
who  add  to  or  improve  the  sum  total  of  social 
achievement.  Whether  this  be  done  in  the  industrial 
world  or  in  the  realms  of  morals  and  religion,  of  art, 
science  or  philosophy,  he  who  improves  the  conditions 
of  social  life,  who  adds  to  the  happiness  of  his  fellows, 
who  builds  up  the  material  and  spiritual  capacity  of 
the  race,  is  to  the  extent  of  his  achievement  a  member 
of  the  aristocracy  of  civilization.  There  are  many,  to 
be  sure,  who  for  special  reasons  cannot  count  them- 
selves among  the  great.  Yet  as  long  as  they  turn 
their  faces  toward  the  light  and  struggle  manfully  to 
impart  to  their  children  wiser  and  better  training  than 
they  themselves  had,  they  form  that  sturdy  stock  from 
which  in  later  generations  society  will  constantly 
recruit  the  ranks  of  the  coming  nobility.1 

At  the  bottom  of  the  scale  are  the  social  parasites 
for  whom  improvement  or  extermination  must  be  the 
alternatives.  No  society  can  afford  permanently  to 
support  a  mass  of  idlers  made  up  of  the  unemployed 
rich,  those  engaged  in  useless  occupations,  and  the 
commonplace  tramp,  criminal  and  pauper.  Much  of 
this  idleness  is  due  to  defective  social  arrangements 
in  respect  to  inheritance,  industry  and  education.     But 

1  See  H.  G.  Wells,  "A  Modern  Utopia,"  and  note  how  he  works 
out  this  thought  in  his  "Order  of  the  Samuri." 


THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS     183 

unquestionably  one  of  the  first  fruits  of  the  develop- 
ment of  a  higher  culture  must  be  the  gradual  elimina- 
tion of  all  forms  of  social  parasitism,  so  as  to  have 
those  only  enjoy  the  blessings  of  civilization  who  con- 
tribute their  share  toward  the  upbuilding  of  all  that 
makes  life  worth  living. 


PART   TWO 

APPLICATIONS   OF    SOCIOLOGICAL   TEACHING   TO 
SOME  SOCIAL  PROBLEMS 


CHAPTER    IX 

SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

From  the  sociological  standpoint  there  can  be  no 
question  of  the  solid  utility  of  social  investigations. 
The  strug-  ®n  a^  s^es  men  are  busily  engaged  in  at- 
gie  for  tempts  to  understand  the  causes  of  social 

discontent  and  suffering.  Social,  sympa- 
thetic and  altruistic  feelings  have  become  so  strong 
in  recent  generations,  that  men  cry  out  in  protest 
against  present  conditions,  forgetting  that  pain  and 
suffering  are  the  normal  experiences  of  sentient  life. 
When  nature  seems  kindly  and  bountiful,  men  forget 
that  underneath  the  smile  it  is  "red  in  tooth  and  claw." 
The  natural  end  of  an  animal  is  starvation  or  a  violent 
death.  Nature  is  entirely  too  prodigal  in  her  offspring, 
and  regularly  brings  into  existence  far  more  than  can 
possibly  survive.  The  weaker,  and  the  strong  that  fail 
to  secure  a  favorable  environment,  disappear  in  the 
struggle  for  survival,  and  -the  survivors  live  only  as 
they  pursue  an  endless  search  for  food,  and  ruthlessly 
carry  on  a  war  of  exploitation  and  extermination.1 

This   is  true   also   of   human    kind.     Under   natural 

law    the    larger    proportion    of   human    beings    should 

perish  before  maturity  through  starvation,  disease  and 

1  See,  for  illustrations,  Ward's  "Psychic  Factors,"  Chapter  XXXIII. 

187 


188  SOCIOLOGY 

slaughter.  Few  of  the  mature  should  reach  old  age, 
for  in  a  righting  stage  there  are  not  many  leaders  who 
"Pain  and  have  "  known  three  generations  of  men." 
pleasure  Dr.  Patten  has  well  characterized  such  a 
economy."  con(|ition  as  a  "pain  economy."  Human 
effort  in  earlier  ages  was  spent  chiefly  in  vain  attempts 
to  ward  off  misery.  Occasionally  gleams  of  pleasure 
brightened  the  gloom  of  fear,  but  on  the  whole  "  few  and 
evil"  were  the  years  of  life.  Outside  of  the  group  were 
savage  beasts,  hostile  men  and  angry  divinities;  within 
were  starvation,  disease,  torturing  punishments  and  a 
constant  dread  of  danger.  The  epics  and  legends,  the 
myths  and  theologies  of  earlier  ages  are  filled  with  a 
spirit  of  despair,  heightened  by  a  dread  of  an  immor- 
tality either  of  torture  or  of  empty  existence.1  Even 
then  salvation  was  for  the  noble  and  learned  only;  the 
masses  as  always  in  theory  .were  regularly  doomed 
to  destruction.  From  this  standpoint,  therefore,  one 
might  be  tempted  to  pronounce  the  present  state  of 
humanity,  with  all  of  its  imperfect  social  happiness, 
good  by  comparison  with  the  natural  conditions  of 
ancient  civilization.  Even  taking  into  consideration 
the  high  death  rate,  the  large  per  cent  of  infant  mor- 
tality, the  prevalence  of  disease,  the  starvation,  suffer- 
ing and  toil  of  an  unskilled  proletariat,  one  may  yet 
be  almost  optimistic  as  he  compares  these  with  con- 
ditions ages  ago.  Pessimism  comes  when  one  takes 
into  account  an  ideal  of  perfection.     Before  us  as  a 

1  See  James  A.  and  Vincent  A.  Fitz  Simon,  "The  Gods  of  Old"; 
A.  D.  Godley,  "Socrates  and  Athenian  Life  in  His  Day,"  Chapter 
XI;  Thomas  D.  Seymour,  "Life  in  the  Homeric  Age,"  Chapter  XV. 


SOCIAL   PROGRESS  189 

goal  is  a  time  when  humanity,  by  a  comprehension  of 
nature's  law,  will  be  able  to  compel  nature  to  work  for 
man,  not  against  him.  When  that  time  comes  nature 
will  prove,  beneficent,  not  malevolent.  It  will  be  a 
"pleasure  economy,"  not  a  pain  economy.  Infant 
mortality  and  disease  will  become  accidental,  not  usual; 
starvation  and  vice  will  be  abnormal,  not  normal  phe- 
nomena; and  life  will  become  joyous.  It  is  because 
of  this  ideal,  the  product  of  modern  humanitarianism, 
that  men  grow  indignant  over  modern  social  condi- 
tions and  labor  feverishly  to  lighten  the  burden  of  the 
depressed  classes,  launching  lurid  tirades  against  the 
sins  of  society,  the  apathy  of  the  church,  the  corrup- 
tion of  politicians,  the  knavery  of  capitalists,  or  the 
demagogism  of  labor,  as  though  these  ancient  evils 
were  phenomena  unheard  of  up  to  our  generation! 

While  social  investigation  is  valuable,  the  very 
quantity  of  social  agitation  sometimes  tends  to  be- 
Sociai  come   a  handicap    to    progress.     There   are 

reforms  as  so  many  reforms  to  assist,  so  many  appeals 
panaceas.      ^QJ,    financjai  ajj  m  humanity's  name,  that 

by-  their  very  reiteration  men's  minds  become  dulled 
to  the  whole  social  question.  They  call  down  a  pest 
on  reformers  as  cranks,  and  soothe  their  consciences 
with  the  thought  that  the  world  has  wagged  along 
safely  for  a  few  thousand  years,  and  probably  will 
last  their  day  out  at  least.  "After  me,  the  deluge"1 
is  still  the  sentiment  of  many  men.  And  yet  anyone 
at  all  familiar  with  the  times  must  be  convinced  that 
in  their  hearts  men  are  eager  for  social  improvement, 

1  Apres  moi  le  deluge. 


190  SOCIOLOGY 

and  would  welcome  a  system  that  would  give  play  to 
the  nobler  emotions  and  ambitions  of  life,  and  result 
in  the  lessening  of  human  misery.  They  are  simply 
suspicious,  and  rightly  so,  of  the  numerous  panaceas 
that  are  warranted  to  cure  all  social  evils,  like  so  many 
patent  medicines,  which,  when  analyzed,  are  found  to 
be  alcoholic  beverages  capable  of  hastening  degenera- 
tion. There  is  a  sense,  therefore,  in  which  it  might 
be  maintained  that  our  numerous  social  reforms  are 
doing  more  harm  than  good.  Persons  engaged  in  them 
are  often  so  busily  occupied  with  special  phases  that 
the  situation  as  a  whole  is  neglected,  and  waste  in  time, 
energy  and  money  becomes  inevitable.  One  would 
not  be  rash  in  saying  that  the  waste  through  social 
vices  is  to  a  considerable  extent  duplicated  by  the 
waste  due  to  the  defective  and  competing  methods  of 
religious,  moral  and  social  agencies  in  reform. 

Can  there  not  then  be  found  in  sociology,  if  not  well- 
established  laws,  at  least  suggestions  that  will  afford  a 
basis  for  a  larger,  more  inclusive  policy,  than 
The  utility    can  ^    furnished  by  experimenting  one  after 

of  sociology.  J         r  ° 

the  other  with  the  many  reforms  of  the  day? 
Sociology  is  not  so  rash  as  to  announce  itself  with 
smug  complacency  as  the  science  already  possessed  of 
the  knowledge  needed  to  make  man  wise.  All  that  it 
can  do  at  present  is  to  take  up  the  problem,  indicate 
the  possibilities  in  the  case,  and  study  more  and  more 
deeply  into  the  situation  so  as  to  be  of  help  in  the 
elimination  of  evil  and  in  the  strengthening  of  bene- 
ficial tendencies  in  society.  It  is  not  at  all  probable 
that  much   will  be   accomplished   in   a  generation  or 


SOCIAL   PROGRESS  191 

several  of  them,  but  even  if  thousands  of  years  *  should 
be  needed  for  the  attainment  of  a  fair  degree  of  social 
happiness,  the  consummation  will  come  the  sooner  by 
telic  purpose,2  and  even  a  slight  acceleration  in  the  rate 
of  progress  is  worth  striving  for.  One  thing,  however, 
is  sure,  that  if  society  is  to  continue  to  make  progress 
it  cannot  permanently  allow  to  exist  the  present  hin- 
drances to  a  better  civilization.  These  hindrances  are 
removable  for  they  are  either  natural  conditions  that 
can  largely  be  remedied  by  a  deeper  knowledge  of 
science,  or  they  are  defects  of  the  social  system,  the 
products  of  low  civilization,  and  the  same  human 
mentality  that  in  ignorance  created  them  can  with  a 
deeper  insight  exterminate  them.  If  society  should 
discover  with  any  exactness  how  to  begin  the  process 
of  elimination,  the  inspiration  that  would  in  conse- 
quence arise  in  the  social  mind  might  easily  result  in 
a  new  era,  in  which  a  self-conscious  society  would  care- 

1  Lester  F.  Ward  estimates  that  under  present  cosmic  conditions 
man  may  expect  to  find  the  earth  habitable  for  at  least  3,000,000 
years  longer!  In  an  article  on  Mars  in  the  Brown  (Univ.)  Alumni 
Monthly  (March,  1907),  he  says: 

"  The  human  race  is  supposed  to  have  existed  between  200,000 
and  300,000  years;  let  us  say  one  quarter  of  one  million  years.  It 
has  been  conscious  of  its  existence  only  about  10,000  years,  and 
really  alive  as  a  psychic  being  less  than  5,000  years.  The  most 
that  it  has  accomplished  of  any  value  to  itself  has  been  done 
within  2,000  years,  and  its  great  work  within  200  years.  In  a 
word,  relatively  speaking,  man  has  only  just  begun  to  exist.  His 
golden  age,  as  Saint-Simon  said,  is  before  him  and  not  behind  him. 
His  history  is  but  the  threshold  of  the  Psychozoic  age.  The  whole 
of  that  immense  period  lies  before  him.     The  conditions  of  existence 

2  A  telic  purpose  implies  knowledge  of  a  desired  end,  and  of  the 
means  that  must  be  employed  in  order  to  attain  the  end. 


192  SOCIOLOGY 

fully  estimate  its  capacities  and  would  proceed  scien- 
tifically to  build  up  the  physique  and  the  mentality 
of  its  citizens  as  the  basis  of  a  nobler  civilization. 
There  are  already  indications  that  the  more  highly 
civilized  nations  are  passing  into  such  an  era,  and  the 
following  chapters  may  serve  to  make  clearer  the  rea- 
sons for  holding  such  a  view.  In  Part  I  attention  has 
been  directed  to  principles  that  have  bearing  on  this 
question,  and  now  we  shall  look  at  the  practical  applica- 
tions of  them  to  the  conditions  of  social  life.  In  this 
way  one  may  obtain  an  idea  of  the  social  problem  as  a 
whole,  in  its  relations  to  the  factors  of  social  life,  and 
a  hint  or  two  at  least  in  respect  to  tentative  solutions 
of  several  of  its  aspects. 

It  is  the  hope  of  sociology  that  civilization  may 
cease  to  be  considered  static  and  that  it  be  recognized 
as   dynamic.1     Static   civilization  implies  that  society 

on  this  earth  are  now  at  their  optimum.  Abundance  of  air  and 
water,  heat  and  light,  great  variety  of  surface,  soil,  climate,  mineral 
resources,  and  all  the  materials  and  forces  of  nature  ready  to  yield 
to  the  magic  wand  of  science.  There  are  no  indications  that  these 
conditions  will  change  in  an  entire  geologic  epoch.  These  favorable 
conditions  are  certainly  liable  to  last  as  long  as  the  Tertiary  period 
just  closed  has  lasted,  viz.  3,000,000  years.  They  may  continue 
.  .  .  12,000,000  years.  And  what  does  a  million  years  mean?  .  .  . 
For  us  the  Psychozoic  age,  or  any  considerable  part  of  it,  means 
eternity.  Thus  viewed,  man's  prospects,  instead  of  being  dark,  are 
fairly  roseate,  and  the  contrast  with  that  old  decadent  orb  [Mars] 
that  is  now  telling  us  its  story,  instead  of  depressing  us,  should  in- 
spire us  with  thankfulness  that  we  are  young,  with  faith  in  an  un- 
limited future,  and  with  buoyant  aspirations  for  the  progress  of 
humanity." 

1  Note  on  pages  67-72  the  explanations  given  to  the  words 
static,  dynamic,  genetic,  telic. 


SOCIAL   PROGRESS  193 

has  already  attained  its  standards  of  perfection,  or 
has  them  so    clearly  in    mind  that  the  realization  of 

them  seems  immediately  possible.  Such 
civilization    beliefs  have   been  held  in  the   past,  as  for 

example  in  the  celestial  kingdom  of  China, 
and  in  times  of  ignorance  there  may  be  justification  for 
emphasis  on  static  conditions.  It  certainly  must  be  a 
satisfaction  to  a  man  to  survey  in  his  mind  the  social  in- 
stitutions and  the  standards  of  his  country,  and  to  decide 
that  they  need  no  alteration.  There  is  an  inevitable 
craving  in  every  mind  for  just  such  a  decision;  every- 
one is  inclined  to  think  his  own  family,  his  religion, 
his  country  best,  and  this  self-satisfaction,  'with  its 
resultant  inertia,  readily  favors  a  static  civilization. 
There  really  is  a  justification  for  such  a  condition  of 
mind.  What  has  been  proven  by  long  experience  is 
at  any  rate  good,  and  changes  are  as  likely  to  be  bad 
as  beneficial.  The  mother  dreads  to  see  her  child 
start  out  for  himself  in  life,  and  apprehensively  seeks 
to  retain  him  under  her  watchful  care.  It  is  easy  to 
sympathize  with  a  religious  body  that  dreads  to  favor 
"modernism"  in  thought,  or  with  a  government  that 
hesitates  to  change  its  fundamental  law,  lest  in  either 
case  the  flood  gates  be  swept  away  and  old  landmarks 
obliterated.  Nations  naturally  prefer  to  surround 
themselves  by  Chinese  walls,  or  to  point  grim  cannon 
at  intruders,  and  to  look  suspiciously  on  foreigners 
and  alien  institutions  that  threaten  to  "break  down 
the  bulwarks  of  our  civilization."  And  yet,  notwith- 
standing, this  natural  conservatism,  social  thinkers 
seem  to  be  agreed  that  society  should  be  dynamic, 


194  SOCIOLOGY 

and  that  it,  like  another  Columbus,  should  push  reso- 
lutely out  on  unknown  waters  in  the  hope  of  finding 
a  shorter  route  to  Utopia.  Yet  the  experience  of 
nations  plainly  shows  that  change  involves  danger. 
There  is  safety  in  the  old,  even  though  glory  is  lack- 
ing, and  the  path  of  progressive  states  is  marked  by 
national  wreck  and  ruin.  It  is  the  static  East  that 
survives,  and  the  stirring  nations  of  the  West  that 
rise  and  fall.  Yet  Tennyson  remarked  once,  "Better 
fifty  years  of  Europe  than  a  cycle  of  Cathay,"  and 
apostles  of  the  strenuous  life  from  time  immemorial 
have  chosen  death  in  battle  in  preference  to  a  weak 
old  age.  Urged  on  by  the  vigor  of  a  combative  ances- 
try, western  civilization  in  its  philosophy  is  definitely 
committed  to  the  doctrine  of  progress. 

In  the  eighteenth  century  philosophers  of  the  type 
of  Rousseau 1  inferred  that  dynamic  changes  could  only 

be  accomplished  by  eliminating  the  old 
movements   entirely;r  and  making  to  order  an  up-to-date 

system  warranted  to  satisfy  the  require- 
ments of  the  most  exacting  Utopian.  The  French 
Revolution  was  a  remarkable  dynamic  movement,  and 
the  effects  of  it  which  were  experienced  throughout  the 
entire  nineteenth  century,  showed  clearly  the  possi- 
bilities inherent  in  dynamic  changes,  but  argued 
against  any  attempt  to  revolutionize  conditions  by  too 
hasty  measures.  Even  if  society  knew  absolutely  what 
is  the  ideal  of  social  reorganization,  it  would  be  far 

1  See  JohnMorley,  "Rousseau,"  and  references,  p.  44.  Also  Levy- 
Bruhl,  " History  of  Modern  Philosophy  in  France,"  Chapters  VII, 
VIII. 


SOCIAL  PROGRESS  195 

wiser  to  introduce  changes  gradually  but  systemat- 
ically, training  men  generation  after  generation  to  a 
character  suited  to  the  newer  civilization.  Sociology, 
therefore,  is  not  in  favor  of  revolutions  but  argues  for 
a  progressive  civilization  in  which  changes  are  made 
after  proper  preparation,  one  step  at  a  time  but  a  step 
every  time. 

Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  fact  that 

even  in  static  civilization  changes  do  take  place,  and 

hence  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  static 

Genetic  ....  .  . 

contrasted  civilization  pure  and  simple,  although  it  may 
with  teiic      seem  static  to  any  given  generation.     The 

movement.  .  , 

rate  of  change,  however,  may  be  so  slight 
as  to  be  a  negligible  factor,  and  the  idea  of  static 
civilization  is  therefore  useful  and  permissible.  A  dy- 
namic movement  may  be  genetic  or  telic,  as  already 
explained.  If  the  movement  is  genetic,  the  changes 
seem  accidental;  they  may  happen  to  be  either  good 
or  bad,  and  not  being  consciously  caused  by  society, 
seem  to  be  beyond  its  control.  For  that  reason  men 
charge  such  changes  as  may  be  noted  to  fate,  to  the 
will  of  the  gods,  to  blind  chance  or  the  iron  law  of 
destiny;  they  become  pessimists  in  misfortune,  optim- 
ists in  prosperity  and  fatalists  at  all  times.  On  the 
other  hand  societies  that  adopt  telic  policies  and  slowly 
break  away  from  static  standards,  may  happen  to  be 
rash  in  their  choices.  Social  movement  may  be  for- 
ward or  it  may  be  backward.  Even  in  the  East  there 
is  a  Korea  and  a  Japan;  one  fallen  from  its  former 
standards,  the  other  pushing  forward  from  genetic  de- 
velopment to  telic  progress. 


196  SOCIOLOGY 

In  the  settlement  of  the  great  West  a  family  might 
wander    aimlessly    toward   the    setting    sun,    following 

buffalo  paths  and  streams,  and  finally  settle 
policy  where    impulse    led    or    obstacles    prevented 

further  progress;    or,  again,  it  might  by  in- 
quiry ascertain  in  advance  a  desirable  location  for  a 
home  and  the  best  methods  of  reaching  the  site,  and 
then   might   make   suitable   preparations   for   reaching 
its  destination  with  the  proper  equipment  for  farming 
in  the  new  country.     In  both  cases  there  is  purpose, 
but  in  the  first   it  is   hazy  and  genetic,  in  the  other 
thoughtful  and  clearfy  telic.     In  the  same  manner  a 
social  group   committed  to  a  progressive  policy,   will 
more  probably  attain  its  purpose  by  first  thoughtfully 
planning  the  means  of  accomplishing  it,  and  then  by 
gradually    pushing    it    through,    making    modifications 
in  the  plan,  if  such  should  seem  necessary.     The  devel- 
opment of  governmental  policies  of  this  sort  is  marked. 
Japan  reorganized  its  government  after  plans  carefully 
worked  out  by  commissions;    Switzerland  bases  much 
of   its   legislation   on   the   reports   of   experts.     Hague 
Conferences,    Pan  -  American    Congresses    and    Postal 
Unions  illustrate  the  growing  universality  of  this  idea, 
that  group  activity  must  be  based  on  the  carefully 
prepared    opinions    of    expert    authorities.     This    ten- 
dency is  not  so  evident  in  those  institutions  that  by 
nature  tend  to  be  static,  such  as  law,  medicine,  the 
church  and  education.     In  these,   precedents,   dogma- 
tism,   static    authority   and   vested   interests   unite   to 
maintain    the    system    and    to    suppress    innovations. 
The  best  illustrations  of  telic  progress  can  be  found 


SOCIAL   PROGRESS  197 

in  economic  life  and  in  science,  where  at  present 
authorities  of  prestige  favor  such  achievement  instead 
of  emphasizing  outworn  methods  and  obsolete  knowl- 
edge. 

The   question  next  arises   whether  mpdern  society, 

if  one  assumes  that  it  is  definitely  identified  with  a 

dynamic  and  telic  civilization,  has  available 

•«A--!il—  sufficient  knowledge  on  which  to  base  a  for- 

for  progress.  ° 

ward  movement.  The  answer  should  un- 
questionably be  affirmative.  The  immediate  need  is 
not  the  amassing  of  more  information,  but  rather  the 
larger  dissemination  of  the  truths  already  discovered, 
and  incidentally,  investigations  as  to  the  best  means 
of  applying  this  knowledge  to  the  varying  conditions 
of  social  life.  This  sort  of  investigation  is  easily  made 
if  only  general  truths  are  known,  and  public  opinion 
demands  applications. 

A  suggestion  in  respect  to  these  general  principles 
can  be  obtained,  strangely  enough,  from  the  striking 
unanimity  of  Utopian  writers.  Famous  Utopians,  from 
Plato's  time  on,  agree  in  emphasizing  the  fundamental 
necessity  of  a  proper  balance  between  carefully  planned 
schemes  of  economic  and  educational  reorganization. 
Rarely  does  a  Utopian  in  his  writings  lay  much  stress 
on  the  form  of  political  organization  nor  on  religion 
nor  on  the  family  group  nor  on  the  necessity  of  formal 
moral  teaching  as  the  determining  factors  in  social 
life.  These  are  regularly  assumed  to  be  of  importance, 
but  matters  that  on  the  whole  need  small  attention, 
if  only  fundamentals  are  carefully  worked  out.  This 
practical  unanimity  of  Utopian  writers   is  not  to  be 


198  SOCIOLOGY 

ascribed  to  a  mere  imitation  of  great  models.1  It 
represents  the  logical  conclusion  of  a  poetic  and  phil- 
osophic type  of  mind  becoming  prophetic  as  it  tries 
to  see  the  outcome  of  the  chaos  of  conflicting  interests 
by  which  it  is  surrounded.2 

This  conclusion  of  Utopians  seems  to  be  corroborated 

by  the  trend  of  recent  sociological  writers,  who  after 

a  careful  study  of  the  determining  factors 

TgIic 

evolution  m  socia^  development  argue  strongly  for 
solutions  in  which  racial,  economic  and 
educational  factors  are  emphasized.  The  great  social- 
istic movement  of  the  day,  which  is  so  powerfully 
affecting  the  legislation  and  policies  of  Europe,  is  an 
economic  solution,  based  on  the  so-called  "  materialistic 
interpretation  of  history"  offered  by  Karl  Marx.  It 
is  probably  neither  wise  nor  expedient  to  adopt  that 
proposed  solution  of  the  social  problem;  but  undoubt- 
edly some  newer  economic  policy,  coupled  with  a  more 
vigorous  educational  system,  is  inevitable.  Society 
should  evolve  gradually,  and  it  is  the  part  of  civic 
wisdom  to  keep  the  movement  under  telic  control; 
but  if  barriers  are  erected  in  the  hope  of  maintaining 
permanently    existing    conditions,    the    rising    tide    of 

1  The  fundamentals  incline  to  follow  the  educational  pattern  set 
by  Plato  in  his  "Republic  "  and  "  Laws,"  or  the  economic  system 
offered  by  Sir  Thomas  More.  See  Richard  L.  Nettleship,  "Lectures 
on  the  Republic  of  Plato,"  and  B.  O.  Flower,  "The  Century  of  Sir 
Thomas  More." 

2  Among  the  most  suggestive  of  modern  Utopias  should  be  men- 
tioned: Bulwer's  "The  Coming  Race,"  William  Morris'  "News 
from  Nowhere,"  Hertzka's  "Freeland,"  Bellamy's  "Looking  Back- 
ward" and  "Equality,"  and  Sweven's  "Limanora,  the  Island  of 
Progress." 


SOCIAL   PROGRESS  199 

discontent  will  sweep  them  away  by  revolution.  Telic 
evolution  is  far  better  than  revolution,  but  even  revo- 
lution is  to  be  preferred  to  repression  and  stagnation. 

In  the  following  chapters  these  fundamental  factors 
will  be  taken  up  one  by  one,  so  as  to  note  the  arguments 
and  conclusions  emphasized  by  students  of  social 
progress. 


CHAPTER  X 

RACIAL  FACTORS  IN   SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

The  question  as  to  the  origin  of  man  is  anthropological, 
not  sociological.  Not  until  mankind  had  emerged  from 
animal  conditions,  spread  into  the  natural  food 
origins1  centers  of  earth,  and  developed  a  group  life 
with  its  achievement  and  civilization  can 
sociological  investigation  begin.  Even  then  the  science 
of  ethnology  devotes  itself  to  the  study  of  primitive 
races,  so  that  sociological  investigation  is  pushed  still 
farther  away  from  early  conditions.  Yet  the  teachings 
of  these  other  sciences  may  include  matters  of  real  socio- 
logical importance,  as  for  instance  the  question  whether 
mankind  is  made  up  of  one  race  the  members  of  which 
are  fundamentally  equal,  or  of  many  races  some  inher- 
ently superior  and  others  inferior. 

If    one    disregards   the    question    of   human    origin, 
admittedly  there  are  to-day  races  superior  to  others 
in  achievement,  just  as  many  individuals  of 
,.gCia  a  race  surpass  others  in  capacity  and  attain- 

ment. The  real  question,  however,  is,  whether 
such  distinctions  are  inherent  in  the  stock,  or  trace- 
able to  the  effects  of  conditions,  that  if  reversed,  would 
within  a  few  centuries  reverse  the  place  of  higher  and 
lower   races.     Or,    from   another   standpoint,    can   the 

200 


RACIAL  FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS         201 

so-called  inferior  races  be  developed  after  a  proper 
period  of  time  to  the  same  degree  of  attainment  as 
their  more  fortunate  competitors?  The  trend  of  the 
preceding  chapters  indicates  the  probable  conclusion. 
In  the  beginnings  of  human  life  and  under  the  deter- 
mining influences  of  a  tropical  or  subtropical  climate, 
men  must  have  been  relatively  equal.1  To  this  extent 
the  teaching  of  the  equality  of  man  in  the  eighteenth 
century  had  a  solid  basis  in  fact.  When,  however, 
through  war  and  migration  men  wandered  into  various 
parts  of  the  earth  differences  slowly  developed.  In 
the  more  favored  places  where  foods  were  abundant 
and  population  denser,  the  slow  lapse  of  centuries 
gave  their  inhabitants  an  advantage  in  physique  and 
mentality,  which  was  strengthened  by  repeated  amal- 
gamations, minglings  of  civilizations,  and  the  stimulus 
of  war  and  economic  competition.  The  great  races 
surviving  to-day  are  those  who  on  the  basis  of  such 
conditions  have  fought  their  way  to  the  front,  and 
who  regularly  display  a  strength  lacking  in  the  smaller 
races,  which  have  shunned  war  by  ready  submission 
or  by  flight  to  remote  regions  where  they  found  a 
wretched  but  peaceful  existence. 

This  difference  is  not  so  much  physical  as  psychical. 
A  comparative  study  of  the  skull  and  of  the  physical 
structure  of  the  brain  seems  to  show  that  superior 
races  have  a  real  advantage  over  others  in  the  size, 
development  and  quality  of  brain,  and  this  certainly 

1  Note  in  Bibliography  references  under  Temple  Primer  Series 
and  reading  lists  contained  in  these.  Also  J.  Deniker,  "The  Races 
of  Man." 


202  SOCIOLOGY 

should  be  true,  if  racial  experience  counts  for  anything. 
For  in  static  civilization  these  races  have  built  up  an 
economic  capacity  for  patient  labor,  foresight  and  sta- 
bility, and  through  war  and  economic  competition 
they  have  developed  individual  bravery,  energy  and 
self-reliance.  They  show  furthermore  in  their  activi- 
ties a  virility  and  a  capacity  for  endurance  that  plainly 
mark  a  higher  attainment  than  that  made  by  the  aim- 
less, indolent  and  hopeless  masses  of  inferior  civiliza- 
tions. Under  genetic  development  these  inferior  races 
in  their  secluded  homes  may  remain  stationary  for 
centuries,  but  whenever  they  come  in  contact  with  a 
superior  race,  they  are  either  largely  exterminated  in 
war  or  through  inability  to  adjust  themselves  to  newer 
conditions,  or  to  withstand  the  vices  and  diseases  of 
stronger  races.1 

If  the  superior  races  should  ever  recognize  an  altru- 
istic obligation   to  raise  the  standards  of  civilization 
of    these    backwardi  stocks,    unquestionably 
much  could  be  accomplished,  provided  that 

progress.  *  '   l 

the  principles  of  racial  development  were 
followed.  It  is  practically  impossible,  for  example, 
to  substitute  outright  a  higher  for  a  lower  civiliza- 
tion. A  higher  may  only  be  developed  from  the 
lower  by  expediting  through  telic  processes  the  nat- 
ural method  of  growth.  This,  as  already  indicated, 
involves  amalgamation,  economic  stimulus  and  achieve- 
ment, and  social  imitation  of  the  cultural  elements  of 

1  For  an  excellent  sociological  study  of  races,  see  Wm.  Z.  Ripley, 
"The  Races  of  Europe."  For  an  argument  against  racial  amal- 
gamation, see  A.  P.  Schultz,  "Race  or  Mongrel." 


RACIAL   FACTORS   IX  SOCIAL  PROGRESS        203 

a  higher  civilization.  Of  these  three  processes  that 
of  amalgamation  is  probably  least,  and  that  of  eco- 
nomic change  most  necessary.  It  is  useless  to  press 
on  a  race  or  even  a  social  class  a  higher  cultural  civil- 
ization than  that  suited  to  its  material  attainment. 
Furthermore,  it  is  a  question  whether  a  simple  and 
inferior  race  can  adopt  a  higher  economic  system,  in 
place  of  a  lower,  except  after  centuries  of  training. 
A  race  that  in  its  experience  lacks  the  education  im- 
parted by  an  agricultural  civilization,  may  for  example 
find  it  well-nigh  impossible  to  pass  at  a  bound  from 
a  hunting  or  nomadic  stage  to  a  complex  system  of 
trades  and  manufactures.  Add  to  that  the  benefit 
that  supposedly  arises  from  repeated  racial  amalgama- 
tion, and  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  a  really  simple  race, 
still  in  primitive  conditions,  could  endure  the  vigorous 
strain  of  modern  civilization,  except  after  centuries  or 
at  least  generations  of  training  and  racial  mixture. 
Even  if  this  were  done,  there  is  still  the  probability  that 
the  superior  races  would  themselves  continue  to  pro- 
gress, and  might  even  increase  the  distance  in  attain- 
ment between  them  and  their  weaker  racial  compan- 
ions. 

These  principles  find  frequent  illustration  in  mis- 
sionary enterprise.  Christianity  is  a  religion  suited  to 
Handicaps  a  civilization  of  a  high  grade,  but  in  order 
on  lower  to  be  successfully  propagated  among  an 
civilizations.  jnferjor  race  0f  a\[en  religion,  it  must  either 

seek  to  revolutionize  the  entire  civilization  by  em- 
phasis on  advantageous  economic  and  educational 
agencies,  or  on  the  other  hand   it  must  adapt  itself 


204  SOCIOLOGY 

to  lower  conditions  and  become  a  mongrel  religion, 
Christian  in  form  but  heathen  in  spirit.  For  this 
reason  Mohammedanism  and  Catholicism,  because  of 
their  emphasis  on  form  and  institutionalising  are  more 
successful  as  proselytizing  religions  among  inferior  races 
than  Protestantism,  which  inclines  to  be  individualistic. 
When  Protestantism  makes  progress  among  inferior 
races,  it  does  so  by  furnishing  in  addition  to  religious 
teachings  the  arts  of  modern  industry  and  the  elements 
of  cultural  civilization,  or  else  it  eliminates  intellectual 
elements  as  much  as  possible  and  emphasizes  emo- 
tionalism. Hence  if  Protestantism  in  its  missionary 
activities  among  low  races  insists  on  the  adoption  of 
its  high  standards  of  ethics  and  doctrine,  progress  is 
slow  since  few  can  be  persuaded  to  cut  themselves  off 
from  their  people.  Even  if  successful,  it  brings  in  its 
train,  through  trade  and  commerce,  contact  with  an 
intense  civilization,  and  the  influx  of  newer  vices  and 
diseases  from  this  source  tends  to  sap  the  energy  of 
the  native  stock,  which,  failing  to  reproduce  itself, 
wastes  away  in  a  forced  civilization.  For  such  reasons 
it  is  not  possible  that  the  weakest  races  can  perma- 
nently survive.  They  will  melt  away  before  a  civili- 
zation which  is  too  fierce  and  competitive  for  their 
capacity,  but  adaptive  individuals  from  them  will  pre- 
sumably pass  by  amalgamation  into  a  superior  stock, 
and  become  merged  in  the  larger  civilization. 

In  addition  to  these  weaker  stocks  there  are  many 
racial  groups  that  represent  powerful  races  beaten  in 
military  or  economic  struggle  and  yet  mentally  capable. 
These  unquestionably  will  become   absorbed  into  the 


RACIAL   FACTORS   IN  SOCIAL   PROGRESS         205 

more    powerful    stocks   near   them,    the    ease   of    the 
amalgamation  being  determined  by  their  relative  simi- 
larity in  civilization  and   racial   stock.    All 

Racial  amal-     p      j.i  j.-  e     j.i  i  i 

gamation  °*  ^he  great  nations  of  the  day  show 
this  process  of  amalgamation,  from  polyglot 
Austria-Hungary  where  assimilation  is  still  imperfect, 
to  the  British  Isles  where  the  process  of  amalgamation 
is  much  further  advanced. 

These  great  nationalities  are  themselves  at  present 
under  the  law  of  competition,  but  war  is  ceasing  to  be 
a  matter  of  physical  prowess,  and  success  lies  on  the 
side  of  effective  organization,  science  and  financial 
capacity.  Hence  international  rivalry  is  fought  out 
by  economic  methods,  through  competing  financial 
systems,  through  manufacturing  and  commercial  strug- 
gles for  supremacy,  and  through  effectiveness  in  gov- 
ernmental organization,  war  coming  in  at  the  end  as  a 
sort  of  coup  de  grace.  The  loser  in  the  struggle  sinks 
from  its  position  as  a  world  power,  and  gradually  loses 
its  racial  and  economic  importance.  A  part  of  the 
population  may  degenerate  through  impoverishment, 
others  will  migrate  and  become  absorbed  into  other 
racial  stocks,  the  better  classes  will  restrict  the  number 
of  their  offspring  and  slowly  die  out  by  what  Dr.  Ross 
aptly  calls  "race  suicide,"  *  and  the  race  as  a  whole 
will  sink  back  in  importance  and  await  its  fate  of  ulti- 
mate absorption  into  one  of  the  future  racial  survivors 
in  international  competition. 

A  much  more  important  question  arises  in  respect 
to  the  few  really  superior  racial  stocks  in  existence,  such 

1  "Foundations  of  Sociology,"  p.  383. 


206  SOCIOLOGY 

as    the   white,    the    mongolian    and    the  black.     Will 
these  finally  amalgamate  or  will  the  old  genetic  proc- 
ess   of    racial    warfare    and    extermination 

The  final 

amaigama-    continue  on  a  world  scale?    Ultimately,  the 
tion  of  sociological  theorist  would  say,  there  will  be 

humanity.  ..  .  . 

but  one  human  race;  complete  amalgamation 
will  have  taken  place,  even  though  the  process  may 
not  be  finished  for  many  thousands  of  years.  While 
this  may  be  finally  true,  no  one  can  foretell  whether 
that  ultimate  blend  will  be  predominantly  white  or 
black  or  yellow,  or  whether  one  of  the  strains  may  not 
disappear  in  the  process.  For  survival  will  not  be 
determined  wholly  by  superiority  of  civilization.  This 
is  of  great  importance  in  giving  a  nation  a  basis  on 
which  it  may  push  to  the  front  and  even  hold  suprem- 
acy for  generations.  But  civilization  is  transmittible 
by  social  imitation,  conscious  or  unconscious,  and  under 
modern  conditions  the  attainment  of  each  nation 
readily  passes  to  other  capable  nations  who  may  absorb 
and  utilize  effectively  the  achievements  of  their  rivals, 
as  illustrated  in  recent  Japanese  history. 

The  high  economic  standards  of  an  advanced  race  may 
even  count  against  it  when  in  competition  with  a  race 
of  lower  economic  standards  but  of  similar  capacity  for 
achievement.  For,  in  the  long  run,  numbers  count  in 
racial  competition,  and  nations  of  high  economic  stand- 
ards tend  to  have  low  birth  rates  and  numerically  to  fall 
behind.  In  the  final  amalgamation  of  the  human  race, 
therefore,  it  may  be  possible  that  the  white  stock  will 
not  survive.  By  raising  its  standards  of  living,  and  at 
the  same  time  sharing  the  achievements  of  its  civiliza- 


RACIAL   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS         207 

tion  with  those  who  will  later  be  its  rivals,  it  may  die 
out  in  racial  stock  even  while  its  civilization  survives. 
This  process  finds  illustration  in  Latin  America,  where 
a  Romance  stock  is  passing  on  its  civilization  to  a  native 
stock,  but  is  itself  being  absorbed  by  the  very  races  it 
conquered.  England  meets  the  problem  in  India  by 
endeavoring  to  transmit  its  civilization  to  the  native 
but  refusing  amalgamation,  just  as  in  the  United  States 
the  whites  in  the  South  do  not  amalgamate  with  the 
blacks  to  any  appreciable  extent,  but  yet  hand  on  their 
civilization.  In  general  it  may  be  said  that  the  Teu- 
tonic and  Slavic  stocks  hesitate  to  amalgamate  with 
other  racial  stocks,  such  as  the  negro  or  the  mongolian, 
or  even  with  the  Romance  nations  of  Europe;  but  that 
these,  on  the  other  hand,  amalgamate  freely  with  any 
race  with  which  they  happen  to  be  in  contact. 

A  strong  stock  intuitively  strives  to  perpetuate  itself, 
and  hence  dreads  an  excess  of  racial  intermixture.     Yet 

an  immense  population  like  that  of  China,  with 
survival        *ts    mtense   self-centered  civilization,   might 

spread  in  all  directions  absorbing  numerically 
weaker  stocks,  and  yet  after  a  few  centuries  hardly  be 
affected  by  the  admixture  of  races,  even  though  a  large 
proportion  were  inferior.  In  the  United  States  the 
numerous  and  aggressive  population  can  readily  absorb 
the  remnant  of  the  Indian  tribes,  a  process  exemplified 
to-day  in  Oklahoma.  Nor  does  it  hesitate  to  amal- 
gamate with  large  fragments  of  Germanic  and  Celtic 
stock,  kindred  in  blood,  trusting  to  the  passing  of  cen- 
turies to  obliterate  minor  distinctions.  Doubt  comes 
when  the  process  involves  an  amalgamation  with  millions 


208  SOCIOLOGY 

of  similar  stock,  Romance  and  Slavic,  but  of  dissimilar 
civilization.  This  doubt  becomes  a  serious  protest  at 
the  thought  of  amalgamating  with  millions  of  lower 
stock  and  lower  civilizations,  as  in  the  case  of  the  negro, 
or  when  there  threatens  an  influx  of  a  numerous  and 
powerful  rival  racial  stock,  as,  for  instance,  from  Asia. 

These  doubts,  well  founded  in  racial  instinct,  are 
fortified  by  reason.  A  powerful  racial  stock  makes 
Evils  in  no  mistake  in  amalgamating  with  a  similar 
amaigama-  stock  of  similar  cultural  development;  the  re- 
tlon'  sultant  is  regularly  better  than  the  component 

parts.  Even  if  the  smaller  is  absorbed  by  the  larger, 
there  is  compensation  for  the  loss  of  racial  distinction  in 
the  gain  in  individual  capacity.  If,  however,  higher  and 
lower  races  are  artificially  united  under  the  forms  of 
a  common  civilization  the  consequences  are  both  good 
and  bad.  The  lower  will  inevitably  become  "hewers  of 
wood  and  drawers  of  water"  for  the  higher,  i.  e.  they  will 
do  the  unskilled  and  tiresome  labor  of  the  community; 
their  weaker  members  will  fall  into  vice,  crime  and  pau- 
perism under  the  stress  of  a  low  economic  life,  while  the 
stronger  part  of  the  stock  will  be  stimulated  by  contact 
with  the  higher  civilization,  and  will  move  up  in  the 
social  scale,  ultimately  amalgamating  with  their  su- 
periors. 

Under  such  conditions  oftentimes  the  weaker  members 
of  the  higher  stock,  brought  into  competition  with  the 
better  members  of  the  lower  stock,  degenerate.  Others, 
seeing  about  them  members  of  an  alien  and  lower  class, 
under  the  influence  of  a  class  morality,  exploit  them 
economically,  or  gratify  sexual  passion  by  immoral  re- 


RACIAL   FACTORS   IN  SOCIAL   PROGRESS         209 

lations  with  women  of  the  lower  stock,  thereby  lowering 
the  ethical  standards  of  their  own  race.  The  better 
members  of  the  higher  stock,  finding  competition  keener 
and  more  unscrupulous  than  formerly,  tend  to  develop 
for  self-protection  a  class  exclusiveness,  and  under  the 
conditions,  by  a  natural  process  not  clearly  understood, 
each  generation  produces  fewer  and  weaker  children 
until  as  a  class  they  disappear.  This  is  the  natural  and 
genetic  process,  easily  traceable  in  social  history,  and  on 
the  whole  disastrous  to  social  welfare  and  race  survival.1 
For  it  means  that  the  better  elements  in  a  stock  die  out, 
their  ranks  are  recruited  from  below,  class  distinctions 
become  inevitable,  and  at  the  bottom  of  the  social  sys- 
tem is  a  mass  of  unskilled  workers,  largely  alien  in  stock, 
with  the  misery  inevitable  in  that  low  economic  stage  of 
existence.  Whatever  advantage  may  come  from  the 
wealth  produced  by  those  of  lower  standards,  is  probably 
more  than  offset  by  the  introduction  of  the  depressed 
standards  of  the  other  economic  classes  and  the  dimin- 
ished fertility  of  the  dominant  stock. 

It  is  probable  that  if  the  intruding  stock  were  similar 
in  race  but  inferior  in  civilization,  the  evils  could  be 
American  largely  eliminated  by  wise  telic  action.  If, 
racial  for  example,  the  United  States  of  America  re- 

pro  ems.  gtricted  the  privilege  of  immigration  to  as- 
similable stocks,  healthy  and  moral,  and  if  these  were 
guided  to  sections  of  the  country  in  need  of  their 
services,  and  surrounded  by  social  agencies  aiming  to 
impart  to  them  the  language  and  ideals  of  American 
civilization,  safeguarding  them  against  exploitation  and 

1  Note  Casper  L.  Redfield,  "Control  of  Heredity." 


210  SOCIOLOGY 

temptations  to  immorality  and  crime  until  they  had 
become  used  to  American  standards,  unquestionably  the 
chief  evils  of  the  present  system  would  be  minimized, 
and  social  and  racial  amalgamation  rendered  easy.  It 
is  suicidal,  however,  to  admit  a  race  unless  racial  amal- 
gamation is  to  follow  in  connection  with  an  assimilation 
of  civilizations. 

Under  present  conditions,  however,  the  racial  problem 

within  the  United  States  is  exceedingly  complex  and  one 

may  well  despair  of  any  immediate  solution. 

.    ecJL°.      Had  telic  foresight  characterized  our  civili- 

lmmigration.  ° 

zation  throughout  the  nineteenth  century  we 
might  have  avoided  our  worst  problems  by  checking  the 
importation  and  multiplication  of  the  negro,  and  by  re- 
ducing to  a  minimum  the  immigration  of  races  of  lower 
civilization,  as  was  done  in  fact  with  immigration  from 
Asia.1  Failing  in  such  a  policy,  we  have  a  natural 
genetic  development:  the  higher  native  racial  stock 
commits  "race  suicide"  by  late  marriages  followed  by 
the  birth  of  few  or  no  children.  Others  amalgamate 
with  the  better  elements  of  the  immigrant  races,  thus 
causing  a  racial  modification,  and  at  the  bottom  of  the 
scale  are  those  who  are  unable  to  maintain  their  stand- 
ards of  living  in  competition  with  immigrants  of  lower 
standards.  This  degenerate  native  stock  falls  into  the 
ranks  of  the  unskilled  proletariat  made  up  largely  of 
alien  races,  from  which  arises,  through  low  economic 

1  On  immigration,  see  John  R.  Commons,  "Races  and  Immi- 
grants in  America."  For  recent  books  on  the  negro  problem,  see 
Alfred  H.  Stone,  "Studies  in  the  American  Race  Problem,"  and 
Kelly  Miller,  "Race  Adjustment." 


RACIAL   FACTORS   IN  SOCIAL   PROGRESS         211 

conditions,  much  of  the  pauperism,  vice  and  crime  of 
our  civilization.  These  lower  races,  rapidly  multiplying 
and  recruited  by  continuous  additions  from  southern 
Europe  and  western  Asia,  will  under  present  conditions 
inevitably  strengthen  present  tendencies.  Race  suicide 
will  press  down  lower  and  lower  into  the  middle  class; 
amalgamation  below  this  will  multiply  as  propinquity 
destroys  racial  prejudice;  the  evils  involved  in  a  toiling 
proletariat  will  become  too  great  for  real  amelioration; 
and  European  conditions  of  an  inert,  ignorant  lowest 
class  will  be  reproduced  in  the  United  States.  It  is  the 
natural  development  under  genetic  conditions,  and  un- 
avoidable except  by  telic  policy. 

The  evils  in  our  present  genetic  system  can  plainly  be 
seen  in  the  development  of  a  rapidly  multiplying  slum 
and  crowded  tenement  population,  and  a  social  system 
that  encourages  an  unskilled  laborer  to  marry  at  twenty, 
but  that,  on  the  other,  hand,  compels  its  socially  better 
classes  to  postpone  marriage  until  middle  life  or  to  re- 
main celibate.  The  mathematical  outcome  of  any  such 
system  plainly  is  the  elimination  of  the  higher  in  favor 
of  the  lower.  This  condition  illustrates  the  law  that 
human  progress  is  difficult  but  a  dull  average  easy  of 
attainment.  The  body  is  more  readily  strengthened  than 
the  brain,  though  by  contrast  the  higher  may  degenerate 
much  more  rapidly  than  the  lower.  If  society,  there- 
fore, ever  hopes  to  carry  forward  a  telic  policy,  it  must 
begin  by  safeguarding  those  who  have  best  developed 
their  brain  capacity,  and  must  then  seek  to  eliminate 
those  classes  that  represent  the  weaker  elements  of 
society. 


212  SOCIOLOGY 

There  are  many  suggestions  as  to  the  possibility  of 
averting  these  threatening  dangers.     A  favorite  propo- 
sition even  yet  is  that  made  by  Plato  in  his 

Social 

solutions       "Republic"  and  "Laws."     It  assumes  that 
for  racial       the  laws  of  heredity  are  so  little  known  that 

society  is  unable  to  assert  dogmatic  conclu- 
sions in  respect  to  the  production  of  a  superior  stock. 
Meanwhile,  therefore,  society  should  assume  that  all 
persons  potentially  are  capable  of  high  development, 
and  should  be  given  through  wise  education  an  oppor- 
tunity for  it.  Then,  when  the  quality  of  its  various 
members  is  manifest,  society  should  endeavor  to  build 
up  its  stock  from  the  capable  and  to  place  handicaps  on 
the  weaker  members  of  society,  so  as  to  prevent  them, 
if  possible,  from  propagating  their  kind.1 

Another  solution  is  that  suggested  in  recent  years  by 
Francis  Galton  under  the  name  of  Eugenics.2    In  brief, 

his  theory  is  that  careful  study  should  be 

Eugenics. 

made  of  the  conditions  and  principles  under- 
lying the  production  of  a  vigorous  racial  stock,  that  this 
information  be  taught  as  widely  as  possible,  emphasized 
as  a  part  of  the  morality  of  religion,  and  enforced  by  a 
powerful  public  opinion,     The  effect  of  all  this,  it  is 

1  Note,  for  illustrations  of  studies  in  racial  progress,  W.  Duncan 
McKim,  "Heredity  and  Human  Progress,"  and  Eugene  S.  Talbot, 
"Degeneracy,  Its  Causes,  Signs,  and  Results." 

2  The  original  papers  on  Eugenics  by  Francis  Galton,  and  the  dis- 
cussion of  them,  may  be  found  in  the  Sociological  Papers,  published 
by  the  English  Sociological  Society,  1904,  1905.  The  American 
Journal  of  Sociology  in  July,  1904,  1905,  reproduced  the  articles 
and  parts  of  the  discussion.  Since  1905  numerous  articles  on  the 
subject  have  appeared  in  the  magazines. 


RACIAL   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS         213 

argued,  would  be  the  elimination  of  the  weaker  stock, 
and  the  upbuilding  of  the  race  through  its  stronger 
elements.  The  argument  is  a  sound  one,  but  it  might 
prove  weak  in  practice  if  it  should  develop  into  a  theory 
of  propagation  through  a  leisure  class  chiefly,  or  base  its 
conclusions  on  biological  principles,  to  the  exclusion  of 
a  study  of  the  economic  conditions  that  so  powerfully 
affect  racial  development. 

In  both  of  these  theories  there  is  an  assumption  that 
society  has  the  right,  for  its  own  sake,  to  fix  the  con- 
ditions of  reproduction  through  law  and  public 

Social  racial         •    •  o      1  r  c  i_        1 

safeguards  °Pimon-  kucn  a  policy  ot  course  has  been 
practised  by  individual  families,  by  castes, 
and  classes  of  nobility,  in  regulating  the  marriage  of 
their  own  members.  If  a  national  group  as  a  whole 
should  ever  adopt  such  a  policy,  it  would  be  a  re- 
markable illustration  of  a  collective  telic  policy  arising 
out  of  social  necessity.  Under  such  a  policy  no  indi- 
vidual would  have  an  inherent  right,  as  at  present,  to 
foist  on  society  weakling  offspring.  Society  would  have 
the  right  to  insist  that  no  one  should  become  a  parent 
unless  he  were  sound  in  body  and  mind;  that  no  un- 
assimilable  alien  elements  be  allowed  to  settle  within 
the  country;  and  that  proper  measures  be  taken  to 
eliminate  scientifically  the  weaker  part  of  the  racial 
stock.  Gal  ton's  is  only  one  theory  of  scientific  elimina- 
tion; students  of  penology  and  charity  also  offer  sug- 
gestions in  respect  to  the  treatment  and  segregation  of 
criminals,  defectives,  and  the  pauperized.  Economists 
emphasize  as  a  powerful  factor  in  elimination  a  higher 
standard  of  living  for  the  lower  economic  classes;  and 


214  SOCIOLOGY 

legislators  already  have  placed  on  statute  books  pro- 
hibitions of  marriage  for  defective  or  diseased  persons. 

Furthermore  on  the  assumption  that  the  celibacy  of 
the  best  racial  stock  is  detrimental  to  social  interests, 
society  hereafter  should  discountenance  sys- 
continuance  tems  of  occupation  that  necessitate  celibacy 
or  late  marriage,  such,  for  example,  as  long 
enlistments  in  the  army  or  navy,  a  celibate  class  of 
women  teachers,  and  celibacy  among  the  clergy  and 
members  of  religious  orders.  Society  also  should  see 
to  it  that  economic  and  cultural  conditions  be  so  read- 
justed that  the  higher  social  classes  would  tend  to 
increase  their  productivity.  Such  a  policy  is  theo- 
retically possible,  but  demands  more  scientific  fore- 
sight than  can  ordinarily  be  found  in  our  legislative 
halls.  When  science  has  learned  how  to  fortify  the 
body  against  disease,  how  to  modify  the  evil  effects 
of  climatic  conditions,  and  how  to  build  up  economic 
and  intellectual  capacity,  an  attainment  already  in 
sight,  it  will  seem  but  a  step  to  the  formulation  of  a 
policy  aiming  to  build  up  the  human  race  as  a  whole 
by  emphasis  on  those  factors  in  heredity  and  environ- 
ment favorable  to  the  productivity  of  the  stronger 
and  better  elements. 


CHAPTER  XI 

ECONOMIC   FACTORS  IN  SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

Several  references  have  already  been  made  to  the 
theory  that  physical  and  economic  conditions  largely 
determine  social  development.  This  theory  plays  so 
important  a  part  in  sociological  discussion  that  closer 
consideration  must  be  given  it.  Attention  will  there- 
fore be  called  first  to  the  effect  of  natural  physical 
conditions  in  the  environment,  and  then  to  the  effect 
of  artificial  modifications  of  these,  and  of  all  sorts  of 
economic  achievements. 

(1)  It  is  obvious  that  if  man  had  made  few  or  no 

achievements,    and    was    consequently    in   the    earliest 

stage  of  his  existence,  he  would  be,  to  all 

Influence  of  &  '  '  . 

physical  intents  and  purposes,  determined  by  his 
environ-  physical  environment.  Depending  as  he  must 
on  what  nature  spontaneously  supplies,  it 
would  be  of  vital  importance  to  his  welfare  that  he  be 
under  kindly  skies  and  on  fertile  soil,  abundantly 
watered  and  teeming  with  vegetal  and  animal  life 
suitable  for  foods.  Under  such  conditions  he  would 
grow  physically  strong  and  develop  energy  in  abun- 
dance. '  If,  however,  physical  conditions  are  inimical,  so 
that  there  is  an  excess  of  heat  or  cold,  or  a  lack  of  suf- 
ficient nutriment,  the  development  of  his  mind  and 
body  would  be  dwarfed  in  consequence.     He  would  be 

215 


216  SOCIOLOGY 

either  enervated  or  stunted  by  the  extremes  of  tem- 
perature, or  blunted  by  hardships.  In  the  same  way 
he  would  be  deeply  affected  by  the  kind  of  food,  whether 
flesh  or  vegetal,  that  regularly  made  up  his  diet,1 
by  the  relative  density  and  humidity  of  the  air  he 
breathed,  and  by  the  seasonal  variations  in  the  tem- 
perature of  his  habitat.  In  other  words,  man  under 
such  conditions  is  determined  by  his  physical  environ- 
ment: his  range  is  limited,  he  must  stay  where  food 
is  abundant,  and  his  bodily  strength  and  crude  men- 
tality are  deeply  affected  by  the  quantity  and  quality 
of  his  food  and  the  variations  of  climate.  Even  yet 
no  one  is  prepared  to  deny  that  soil,  climate,  food  and 
the  kind  of  air  breathed  into  the  lungs  still  powerfully 
affect  human  activity.  All  one  can  say  is  that  they 
are  not  relatively  so  important  in  advanced  civilization. 
They  influence  but  do  not  determine  human  develop- 
ment. 

(2)  The   reason   why   physical   environment   is   rela- 
tively less  influential  in  higher  civilization  is  that  man 
by  his  achievements  has  to  an  extent  become 

Modifica-  ,  . 

tions  through  able  to  master  and  modify  nature.  If  he  is 
human  nof;  satisfied  with  his  physical  environment, 

he  may  by  utilizing  natural  forces  be  easily 
transferred  to  another  climate;  or  he  may  by  his 
inventions  modify  somewhat  the  effects  on  him  of  the 
temperature,  humidity  or  density  of  his  climate;  he 
may  use  chemical  agencies  to  make  fertile  infertile  soil; 
multiply  vegetal  and  flesh  foods  by  agriculture,  stock 

1  See  R.  Russell,  "Strength  and  Diet,"  a  practical  treatise  with 
special  regard  to  the  life  of  nations. 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS      217 

raising,  and  by  the  preservation  of  game  and  fish;  he 
ma}'  level  hills,  fill  valleys,  drain  marshes,  build  roads 
and  canals,  plant  forests  or  cut  them  down,  and  make 
or  import  stone  and  metal  if  his  home  soil  fails  to  yield 
these  in  sufficient  quantities.  Thus  he  saves  his  own 
muscular  energy  by  utilizing  natural  power,  so  abun- 
dant around  him;  and  to  the  extent  to  which  he  trans- 
forms his  environment  he  is  not  determined  by  it.  Yet, 
after  all,  these  modifications  have  not  annihilated  phys- 
ical forces;  they  have  simply  compelled  them  to  mani- 
fest their  powers  in  slightly  different  directions.  En- 
vironment is  still  environment,  though  made  partly 
artificial  through  human  agency,  and  when  man  has 
done  all  he  can,  he  is  still  determined  by  it,  not,  how- 
ever, in  its  natural  form  but  as  modified  by  human 
intellect.  In  other  words,  though  civilized  man  can 
to  some  extent  determine  the  kind  of  physical  and 
economic  environment  in  which  he  is  to  live,  when 
the  choice  has  been  made,  his  physical  and  economic 
activities  are  still  determined  by  his  environment 
almost  to  the  same  extent  as  those  of  his  primitive 
ancestor. 

A  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  this  principle  is  clear; 
if  society  is  to  keep  on  progressing  from  primitive  con- 
Progress  ditions  to  higher  civilization,  either  nature 
dependent  must  itself  furnish  constantly  bettering  phys- 
°n  to*? S  *ca^  conditions,  which  is  improbable,  or  man 
natural  must  continue  to  increase  in  power  to  con- 
forces.  ^.roj  naturaj  conditions.  If  he  should  ever 
attain  such  power  over  nature  as  to  make  possible  for 
all  persons  freedom  from  economic  struggle,  the  ideal 


218  SOCIOLOGY 

condition  for  cultural  achievement  will  be  reached. 
For  no  national  or  racial  group  as  a  whole  can  hope 
under  present  conditions  to  attain  the  fruits  of  a  high 
civilization.  Those  within  the  group  who  have  secured 
economic  freedom  may  attain  them,  and  those  next 
below  in  the  economic  scale  may  approximate  to  a 
similar  attainment,  but  those  who  live  from  hand  to 
mouth  and  depend  for  existence  on  strenuous  and 
benumbing  toil  are  barred  out  of  the  possibility  of 
high  attainment,  since  their  lives  are  determined  by 
economic  conditions  beyond  their  control.  The  hope 
of  higher  civilization  for  the  entire  group  lies  in  the 
possibility  that  it  may  be  able  to  understand  natural 
law  so  effectively  as  to  counteract  the  struggle  for 
existence  by  making  the  economic  conditions  of  life 
comparatively  easy  for  all  the  members  of  the  group; 
in  other  words,  the  conditions  of  economic  toil  among 
the  proletariat  must  be  vastly  bettered  before  it  will 
become  possible  for  them  to  attain  a  high  civilization. 
In  the  following  pages  an  attempt  will  be  made  to 
show  the  social  problems  arising  from  such  considera- 
tions   in    their    relations    to    the    principles 

Possibilities    .  '  .  x  * 

of  further  involved.  Detailed  solutions  would  01  course 
modifica-  be  utopian,  and  all  that  can  now  be  given  is 
a  suggestion  as  to  the  direction  of  future 
progress.  The  purely  cosmical  conditions  of  nature  are 
practically  beyond  human  control.  The  earth  is  a  mere 
speck  in  the  universe  and  in  all  probability  man  can 
never  hope  to  affect  its  cosmic  conditions.  The  earth's 
atmosphere,  the  sun's  rays,  the  relative  proportion  of 
land  and  water,  the  chemical  elements  of  matter  and 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN  SOCIAL   PROGRESS      219 

cosmic  energy,  all  these  and  similar  phenomena  he  may 
seek  to  understand  and  to  utilize,  but  never  to  modify 
fundamentally.  Whatever  utilization  of  them  he  may 
make  is,  however,  of  the  utmost  importance,  for  through 
such  use  he  passes  from  abject  subjection  to  physical 
conditions,  to  a  stage  in  which  he  can  partly  under- 
stand and  manipulate  his  environment. 

For  this  reason  the  fundamental  problem  before  society 
is  to  multiply  in  every  possible  way  scientific  knowledge 
of  natural  laws  and  the  ability  to  apply  this  to  the 
concrete  conditions  of  life.  The  greatest  benefactors  in 
society  are  its  Newtons,  its  Darwins  and  its  great  inven- 
tors. We  must  know  how  to  utilize  the  forces  of  nature 
and  how  to  work  up  nature's  materials  into  creative 
forms  of  utility.  We  must  learn  how  to  get  more  and 
better  foods  from  the  soil  and  the  sea,  and  through 
science  and  engineering  how  better  to  make  use  of 
those  parts  of  the  world  hardly  yet  touched,  viz.  the 
tropics,  the  great  deserts  and  marshy  lands.  One  may 
look  forward  in  imagination  to  the  time  when  the  great 
rivers  of  the  earth  will  be  banked  in  by  levees,  their 
currents  used  for  power,  the  silt  from  the  waters  care- 
fully returned  to  the  soil,  the  restless  sands  of  the 
deserts  held  in  check  by  vegetation  and  supporting  a 
dense  human  population,  and  the  tropics  cultivated 
into  garden  spots  abounding  in  foods  and  freed  from 
disease  by  scientific  knowledge.  Possibly  rocky  soils 
may  yet  be  pulverized  into  fertile  earth,  or  the  lands 
and  minerals  of  the  frigid  zones  be  brought  into  use 
by  greater  knowledge  of  climatic  and  atmospheric 
conditions;    the  world's  store  of  metals  may  become 


220  SOCIOLOGY 

completely  known  and  possibly  be  transfused  from  one 
to  the  other  at  will  through  later  chemical  discoveries. 
The  flora  and  fauna  of  land  and  water  may  be  made 
over  by  future  Burbanks  into  species  most  useful  and 
beautiful  for  mankind,  and  human  beings  themselves, 
freed  from  hunger  and  toil,  may  develop  a  physique 
and  a  mentality  suited  to  such  lords  of  creation.  These 
dreams  are  all  scientifically  possible,  and  the  attain- 
ment of  some  of  them  need  not  wait  for  the  passing  of 
many  centuries.  At  any  rate  these  for  many  genera- 
tions to  come  will  be  the  fundamental  problems  of 
society,  for  society  as  a  whole  must  understand  nature's 
laws,  and  be  able  to  utilize  its  resources. 

Evidently  the  problem  of  such  development  cannot 
be  left  merely  to  private  initiative.  Society  itself  must 
„  ,.„  become  telic  and  plan  out  its  activity,  as  is 

Modifica-  L  J ' 

tions  even  now  partially  the  case.     Many  states 

through        already  are  beginning  to  foster  science;    they 

til  6    StutP 

are  planning  great  engineering  feats  such  as 
transcontinental  railroads,  Suez  and  Panama  canals, 
reclamation  service  in  irrigation,  encouraging  inventions 
by  patent  laws,  and  scientific  discoveries  by  honors 
and  rewards.  It  is  evident  that  the  nation  that  adopts 
such  a  policy  most  wisely  and  most  thoroughly  is  build- 
ing its  prosperity  on  sure  foundations.  It  is  real  econ- 
omy to  spend  money  on  scientific  investigation  even 
when  there  is  no  apparent  tangible  return.  The  cost 
of  a  battleship,  for  instance,  if  expended  on  scientific 
investigation  in  respect  to  improvement  in  war  mate- 
rial would  give  far  greater  returns  in  national  martial 
ability.     Science    and    human    ingenuity,    if    properly 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS      221 

stimulated,  could  probably  develop  destructive  imple- 
ments of  such  power  as  to  banish  henceforth  the  possi- 
bility of  war,  for  wars  will  more  likely  cease  because 
of  their  destructiveness  and  cost  than  because  of  an 
altruistic  objection  to  human  slaughter. 

In  addition  to  the  development  of  science  and  inven- 
tion, society  must  also  devise  wiser  systems  for  the 
Regulation  regulation  of  economic  interests.  This,  next 
of  economic  to  national  preservation,  is  historically  the 
interests.  chjef  business  of  the  state.  The  principles 
to  be  observed  in  social  regulation  have  already  been 
indicated.  It  is  to  be  assumed  that  citizens  can  un- 
derstand that  they  best  serve  their  own  truest  in- 
terests while  serving  the  interests  of  the  state;  and 
legislation  should  seek  to  make  real  this  identity  of  in- 
terests. Wise  regulation  and  stimulus  to  right  action 
are  far  better  than  prohibitions.  Laws  should  not  be 
passed  against  capital  as  such,  or  against  trusts  or  cor- 
porations or  labor  unions  or  strikes  or  saloons  even, 
but  rather  the  causes  and  conditions  under  which  these 
have  come  into  existence  must  be  understood,  and  known 
evils  eliminated.  Objectionable  institutions,  such  as, 
for  example,  the  saloon,  should  be  dispensed  with  by 
substitution  of  alternatives,  or  by  modifying  the  con- 
ditions of  their  existence  so  as  to  render  them  less  harm- 
ful, or  by  wiser  education  of  younger  generations  to 
render  them  unnecessary.  Except  for  temporary  pur- 
poses it  is  socially  useless  to  prohibit  anything.  Scientific 
elimination  and  training  are  the  real  remedies  for  social 
evils.  Recalcitrant  members  of  society  might  better 
be  permanently  segregated,  if  they  cannot  be  trained 


222  SOCIOLOGY 

and  made  responsive  to  the  power  of  an  intelligent  pub- 
lic opinion.  Men  will  always  pursue  their  own  interests 
and  should  be  encouraged  to  do  so  by  social  stimuli. 
But  individual  interests  will  harmonize  with  social  aims 
if  society  is  intelligently  guided,  and  this  should  be 
shown  by  wisdom  in  legislation  and  education.  If  in- 
dividuals fight  against  social  standards  it  is  safer  to 
assume  that  the  standards  are  defective  than  to  predi- 
cate the  wickedness  of  the  individual  and  the  perfection 
of  law.  If  society  should  adopt  this  point  of  view  it 
would  be  ever  seeking  to  improve  social  machinery  so  as 
to  reduce  social  friction  and  waste  to  a  minimum.  All 
public  regulation  of  economic  interests  should  be  in 
accord  with  expert  advice,  and  should  aim  always  to 
stimulate,  not  repress,  social  energy,  and  to  guide  it  if 
necessary  into  socially  useful  directions. 

Naturally  in  connection  with  such  a  policy,  there 
would  be  need  of  efficient  governmental  machinery.  It 
improve-  probably  makes  small  difference  whether  the 
ment  in-  form  of  government  is  monarchic,  aristo- 
government.  cra^c  0Y  democratic.  As  long  as  economic 
wealth  and  cultural  education  are  the  privileges  of 
a  small  per  cent  of  the  population,  these  will  in  any 
case  govern.  As  the  modern  movement,  however,  is  un- 
doubtedly toward  democracy,  a  governmental  system 
should  be  so  arranged  as  to  allow  changes  in  that  direc- 
tion. Rigidity  in  law,  constitutions  or  governmental 
machinery  is  prima  facie  detrimental  in  dynamic  civili- 
zation. Improvements  in  governmental  methods  should 
constantly  be  devised  and  tested  by  experiment.  The 
United  States  of  America,  for  example,  with  its  forty-six 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS      223 

state  legislatures,  its  national  congress  and  its  innumer- 
able local  lawmaking  bodies,  is  one  vast  laboratory  for 
governmental  experimentation.  Now  and  then,  in  the 
mass  of  useless  legislation,  appears  a  law  of  real  value, 
and  such  successful  experiments  should  be  studied  and 
adopted  generally,  with  suitable  modifications,  until  a 
still  better  arises.  The  rise  of  a  legislative  reference 
bureau  organized  so  as  to  furnish  expert  information  to 
legislatures,  or  of  the  commission  on  uniform  legislation, 
as  well  as  the  frequent  use  of  technical  commissions  for 
the  purpose  of  recommending  legislation,  are  excellent 
illustrations  of  the  movement  toward  a  scientific  govern- 
ment. The  politician  must  give  way  to  the  statesman, 
who  must  be  far  wiser  in  general  knowledge  than  is  his 
forerunner  of  to-day.  Lacking  such  changes  in  govern- 
mental machinery,  efficient  regulation  of  economic  in- 
terests is  well-nigh  impossible,  so  that  one  chief  advan- 
tage in  democratic  forms  is  not  that  they  produce  better 
government,  which  is  hardly  true  at  the  present  time, 
as  that  they  make  up  a  flexible  system  ready  for  the 
rapidly  approaching  time  when  there  will  be  a  demand 
for  more  wisdom  in  legislation,  as  the  result  of  a  distinct 
social  consciousness  of  the  necessity  of  telic  prevision  in 
national  policy. 

If  now  we  assume  that  the  development  of  economic 
achievements  by  wise  governmental  regulation  should 
Economic  be  a  fundamental  activity  of  society,  we  must 
achieve-  discover  the  best  means  of  preserving  and  in- 
creasing the  economic  achievements  of  the 
race.  In  such  a  consideration  the  means  employed 
under  genetic  development  should  briefly  be  indicated 


224  SOCIOLOGY 

and  then  the  changes  involved,  as  telic  ideas  affect  the 
situation. 

The  first  achievements  in  the  economic  field  consisted 
in  the  invention  of  tools  and  in  methods  of  hunting  and 
securing  food.  Later  came  knowledge  of  the  making  of 
ornaments,  clothing,  houses  and  implements  for  cooking 
and  other  domestic  economy.  The  natural  and  genetic 
method  of  preserving  the  knowledge  of  these  achieve- 
ments was  by  practical  instruction  in  the  group  given 
through  the  elders  to  the  younger  generation.  This 
education  through  social  imitation,  to  some  extent  was 
given  in  play  and  games,  which  reproduced  the  general 
activities  of  the  group,1  the  knowledge  of  the  group  thus 
readily  becoming  common  property.  An  important 
change  came  through  the  natural  differentiation  of  labor 
based  on  distinctions  of  sex,  skill  and  class.  The  voca- 
tions of  men  and  women  became  distinct;  certain  fami- 
lies or  groups  acquired  and  devoted  their  skill  in  a  par- 
ticular direction;  the  higher  castes  and  classes  entered 
only  special  occupations,  leaving  as  always  in  early 
civilization  manual  toil,  the  industries  and  trade  to  the 
lower  classes.2  Still  later,  specialized  industrial  groups 
became  gilds,  which  regulated  their  own  membership, 
methods  of  work,  and  output,  and  carefully  guarded  the 
secret  processes  involved  in  their  trades.  In  all  of  this 
development,  any  given  occupation  safeguarded  its  own 
economic  achievements,  the  elders  or  masters  within  it 
handing  down  instruction.     The  natural  effect  of  this 

1  Note  in  Bibliography  under  name  of  Karl  Groos. 

2  Note  R.  T.  Ely,  "Evolution  of  Industrial  Society,"  and  Carl 
Biicher,  "Industrial  Evolution." 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS      225 

system  is  that  specialized  occupations  tend  to  become 
monopolies,  each  carefully  guarding  its  secrets  by  a  full 
regulation  of  membership  and  instruction.  The  utility 
of  this  system  for  a  static  civilization  is  clear.  Routine 
tasks  arc  performed  in  accordance  with  immemorial 
custom  generation  after  generation.  Specialized  occu- 
pations are  dominated  by  the  elders,  who  by  their  con- 
trol of  trade  secrets  dictate  terms  to  the  younger  men, 
compel  adherence  to  set  standards,  and  forbid  inno- 
vations. 

As  dynamic  changes  in  economic  conditions  developed 
one  by  one,  they  necessitated  telic  changes  in  economic 
Changes  in  institutions.  These  were  regularly  initiated 
economic  by  individuals,  who,  pursuing  their  own  in- 
mstitutions.  Crests,  forced  themselves  into  the  sacred 
circle  of  specialized  occupations,  gradually  wrested 
trade  secrets  from  the  gilds,  secured  from  the  gov- 
ernment special  privileges,  and  introduced  innovations. 
These  changes  when  translated  into  social  demands  be- 
come: free  competition  for  the  right  to  take  part  in 
any  economic  occupation,  opposition  to  any  form  of 
private  economic  monopoly,  and  freedom  to  introduce 
modifications  into  the  economic  system.  As  these 
rights  are  won,  government,  the  agent  of  society,  guar- 
anties them  by  law  but  finds  it  hard  to  fulfill  its  pledges, 
for  society  naturally  tends  to  become  static  even  in  a 
dynamic  civilization;  and  economic  combinations  tend  to 
acquire  monopolies  and  to  resist  innovations  whenever 
possible.  The  telic  office  of  a  dynamic  society,  there- 
fore, is  to  move  always  in  the  direction  of  freedom  of 
occupation    and    away   from    monopolies    of   any    sort 


226  SOCIOLOGY 

whatsoever.1  Even  governmental  monopolies  may  be 
dangerous,  for  if  government  itself  be  monopolized  by  a 
class,  there  may  develop  a  system  of  class  exploitation. 
Illustrations  of  economic  changes  are  naturally  common 
in  these  days  of  a  transitional  civilization  so  largely 
dynamic,  as,  for  example,  the  movement  of  women  into 
economic  occupations,  attempts  of  trade  unions  to 
regulate  instruction  in  their  occupations  and  occa- 
sionally to  restrict  membership  on  lines  of  sex  or  race, 
and  capitalistic  attempts  to  monopolize  great  industries, 
patents,  franchises  or  the  necessities  of  life  or  business. 
The  discussion  of  these  details  is,  of  course,  the  preroga- 
tive of  the  economist,  and  our  attention  may  be  con- 
centrated on  the  purely  educational  aspects  of  the  matter. 
The  two  chief  historic  functions  of  the  state,  as  al- 
ready explained,  have  been  war  and  the  regulation  of 
illustrations  economic  activities,  and  society's  best  col- 
of  economic  lective  work  has  been  done  in  these  political 
regulation.  departments.  A  social  or  a  governmental 
policy,  it  will  be  remembered,  tends  to  pass  through 
three  well-marked  stages:  prohibitive,  regulative,  and 
approbative  or  constructive.  In  western  civilization 
the  individualistic  teachings  of  Adam  Smith  and  his 
successors  removed  from  statute  books  and  from  cus- 
tom many  of  the  most  obnoxious  prohibitions  on  in- 
dividual freedom,  approving  thereby  a  policy  which 
allowed  citizens  and  even  aliens  great  freedom  in  the 

1  For  some  interesting  economic  discussions  of  this  sort,  see  George 
L.  Bolen,  "Getting  a  Living,"  and  John  Graham  Brooks,  "Social 
Unrest."  References  to  the  several  aspects  of  the  labor  problem 
may  be  found  in  R.  H.  Edwards'  "Studies  in  American  Social  Con- 
ditions," Pamphlet  No.  4. 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN   SOCIAL   PROGRESS      227 

pursuit  of  industrial  gain.  As  illustrations  of  wise 
economic  regulation  may  be  mentioned  the  patent  sys- 
tem, and  a  tariff  for  the  stimulation  of  infant  industries. 
The  patent  system  of  the  United  States  in  its  inception 
was  really  the  work  of  genius.  Back  of  it  there  are  two 
demands:  first,  that  persons  be  induced  to  make  material 
achievements  by  invention,  and  second,  that  they  be 
persuaded  to  make  their  discoveries  public.  These 
objects  were  accomplished  by  making  it  possible  for  any 
person  at  small  expense  and  loss  of  time  to  patent  his 
invention,  thereby  receiving  a  national  guaranty  that 
he  might  monopolize  it  for  purposes  of  manufacture  and 
sale  for  a  definite  period  of  years.  As  patents  are  on 
record,  at  the  expiration  of  the  set  time  the  invention 
becomes  public  property.  This  system  encouraged  in- 
ventiveness, discouraged  the  older  notion  of  retaining 
the  invention  as  a  secret,  and  provided  that  all  such 
achievements  automatically  become  public  possessions. 
The  results  give  ample  testimony  to  the  wisdom  of 
legislation  which  takes  into  account  human  nature  and 
stimulates  its  activity  by  reward. 

Such  an  illustration  of  wise  legislation  suggests  that 

society   is    becoming   strongly    telic    and    constructive 

in  its  economic  sphere.     Certainly  the  best 

a  tehc  sug-   thons;li.t   and   keenest   energy   of   statesmen 

gestion.  °  ... 

have  been  expended  in  that  direction,  and 
much  may  be  expected  within  the  next  few  years.  As 
new  achievements  in  science  and  invention  are  the 
essentials  for  wider  economic  success,  much  could  prob- 
ably be  done  by  a  more  vigorous  emphasis  on  scientific 
studies,   by  multiplying  laboratories  for  research;    by 


228  SOCIOLOGY 

teaching  in  the  schools  the  principles  underlying  inven- 
tion so  as  to  stimulate  inventive  minds  to  activity; 
and  by  devising,  if  possible,  a  method  whereby  inven- 
tions might  at  once  become  public,  in  place  of  author- 
izing a  temporary  monopoly.  For,  at  present,  inventors 
seldom  reap  due  rewards,  their  inventions  are  secured 
by  keen  business  men  with  greater  facilities  for  manu- 
facture and  sale,  who  by  well-known  devices  manage 
to  monopolize  the  essential  patents  of  an  industry, 
thereby  exploiting  the  public  for  private  gain  for  long 
periods  of  years.  If  society  itself  could  immediately 
gain  the  benefits  of  an  invention  by  bestowing  directly 
on  the  inventor  a  suitable  reward,  the  social  benefits 
would  be  large.  In  science  professional  pride  is  now 
set  against  secrecy  and  pecuniary  reward  for  scientific 
discoveries,  and  added  reputation  is  considered  full 
compensation  for  mental  toil.  It  may  be  that  in  eco- 
nomic life  also,  renown,  and  recognition  by  some  hon- 
orable society,  may  later  be  deemed  ample  reward  for 
a  great  invention,  and  that  inventors  will  as  freely 
give  to  the  public  their  inventions  as  scientists  now 
proclaim  their  discoveries.  Meanwhile  a  nation  may 
well  prepare  for  such  an  age  by  constructively  seeking 
to  develop  to  the  utmost  the  economic  and  inventive 
capacity  of  the  people,  by  stimulating  mental  activity 
and  by  wise  education. 

The  constructive  aspect  of  social  activity,  so  far  as 
it  affects  economic  conditions,  can  also  be  seen  in  the 
social  encouragement  of  industrial  education.  As  long 
as  economic  knowledge  is  simple,  and  competition 
is   chiefly   domestic,  a  nation   may  with   comparative 


ECONOMIC   FACTORS   IN  SOCIAL   PROGRESS      229 

safety  leave  instruction  to  private  initiative,  either 
that  of  the  individual  or  of  a  social  group.  If  an 
Education  individual  desires  to  enter  a  certain  occu- 
for  economic  pation  he  will  strive  to  learn  the  business; 
if  a  group  desires  to  attract  members  into 
its  occupation  it  will  offer  instruction  as  an  inducement. 
As  complexity  in  knowledge  develops,  private  initiative 
in  the  same  way  will  develop  schools,  specialized  so  as 
to  meet  the  demands  of  the  economic  world,  and  these 
will  give  instruction  in  the  technique  of  the  occupation 
in  demand.  In  this  way  there  arise  private  schools  for 
the  professions,  for  commerce  and  manufactures,  and 
for  the  skilled  trades. 

As  the  social  importance  of  these  becomes  clearer, 
a  demand  arises  that  the  state  recognize  their  utility 
The  state's  ^y  assisting  them.  The  state  therefore  begins 
share  in  this  to  assume  a  constructive  attitude  toward 
e  ucation.  gucj1  ec|ucati0n.  If  the  profits  of  the  school 
are  devoted  not  to  private  gain  but  to  educational 
purposes  the  state  may  grant  exemption  from  tax- 
ation as  an  encouragement  in  social  service — which 
is  virtually  a  public  grant  for  economic  education.  Or 
again,  the  state  may  contribute  directly  toward  the 
expense  of  such  education,  reserving  sometimes  the 
right  to  supervise  the  management  of  the  school.  As 
competition  becomes  foreign,  as  well  as  domestic,  and 
economic  matters  increasingly  complex  and  scientific, 
private  enterprise  for  lack  of  endowment  fails  to  give 
satisfactory  instruction  for  small  tuitional  fees.  In 
consequence  there  comes  an  insistent  demand  that  the 
state  itself  take  charge  of  such  education.     If  trade- 


230  SOCIOLOGY 

unions  are  powerful  and  opposed  to  technical  instruc- 
tion by  the  state,  the  path  of  least  resistance  is  for  the 
state  to  assume  the  support  of  professional  and  highly 
technical  schools,  and  of  instruction  in  the  broader 
economic  fields  not  dominated  by  the  unions,  such 
fields,  e.  g.  as  agriculture  and  commerce.  The  first 
stage  therefore  in  this  movement  is  the  promotion  of 
professional,  commercial,  engineering  and  agricultural 
training  schools.  The  next  step  is  to  give  generalized 
instruction  in  the  use  of  tools,  and  special  instruction 
in  certain  aspects  of  the  higher  trades  involving  draw- 
ing and  design — the  artistic  industries.  Finally  special 
instruction  in  the  trades  themselves  may  be  given,  first 
in  the  form  of  lectures  to  workingmen  on  the  higher 
aspects  of  the  trade,  and  then  distinct  instruction  to 
the  young  in  the  trade  itself,  as  the  opposition  of  trade- 
unionism  dies  away.  Another  development  arises  when 
the  government  organizes  a  department  especially 
devoted  to  the  promotion  of  economic  interests.  This 
may  serve  as  a  clearing  house  for  information  bearing 
on  trade  and  commerce,  supplying  knowledge  of  market 
demands,1  and  may  act  as  an  agent  for  economic  inter- 
ests in  voicing  their  demands  for  legislation.  Again, 
these  departments,  or  perhaps  the  technical  schools, 
may  make  scientific  investigations  so  as  to  assist  eco- 
nomic interests  by  expert  advice. 

1  See,  for  illustrations,  American  consular  reports. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  RELATION   OF   CULTURAL   TO   MATERIAL 
CIVILIZATION 

If  it  be  true  that  cultural  civilization  depends  for  its 

growth  on  material  civilization,1  it  is  an  added  argument 

why  society  should  pay  especial  attention  to 

The  ma-  ,         ,        ,  f  « 

terial  as  a  the  development  oi  an  excellent  economic 
basis  for  the  system  based  on  science  and  invention.  The 
truth  of  this  theory  is  perhaps  not  immedi- 
ately obvious,  especially  to  those  who  have  been  taught 
to  look  with  contempt  on  economic  struggle,  or  to  those 
whose  ideal  is  one  of  "plain  living  and  high  thinking." 
The  doctrine  of  the  simple  life  is  an  individualistic  teach- 
ing, inapplicable  to  society  as  a  whole.  The  Emersons 
and  Thoreaus,  the  Tolstois  and  Wagners  may  develop 
culturally  under  this  regime,  stimulated  as  they  are  by 
the  intense  and  complex  civilization  around  them.  But 
if  these  philosophers  were  to  persuade  all  men  to  live 
the  simple  life  and  to  neglect  economic  achievement, 
the  culture  of  the  group  would  inevitably  become  as 
simple  as  the  contents  of  their  larders.  For  if  a  social 
group  is  living  under  low  economic  conditions,  vigorous 
bodily  and  mental  capacity  become  well-nigh  impos- 
sible. A  half-starved  body  necessitates  a  mind  concen- 
trated solely  on  food  getting.  Culture  and  the  higher 
life  have  no  large  part  in  such  civilization.     Spiritual 

1  See  pages  G2,  63. 
231 


232  SOCIOLOGY 

and  esthetic  joys  and  high  moral  standards  have  no 
meaning  to  a  group  whose  only  ambition  is  to  satisfy 
the  cravings  of  hunger  and  to  rest  from  unremitting  toil. 
This  is  as  true  in  high  civilization  as  in  lowest  civiliza- 
tion, since  even  there  the  elite  are  counterbalanced  by 
the  "submerged  tenth"  and  by  the  other  two-tenths 
that  are  in  constant  danger  of  pauperism.  These  low 
economic  groups  are  practically  determined  by  their 
economic  environment,  and  as  a  class  can  not  while  under 
such  conditions  by  any  possibility  develop  high  culture 
or  mental  capacity.1 

If,  however,  the  rigors  of  the  situation  are  somewhat 
mitigated,  so  that  there  are  occasional  periods  of  abund- 
ant food  supply   and  stimulating  economic 

Conditions  ^r  J  ° 

favorable  to  conditions,  group  mentality,  released  from 
a  leisure  ^he  strain  of  the  struggle  for  daily  food,  can, 
with  the  expansion  of  its  dormant  capacities, 
make  cultural  achievements.  If,  as  a  third  illustration, 
the  group  became  a  leisure  class,  released  from  the  strain 
of  economic  competition  and  able  largely  to  determine 
its  own  immediate  physical  and  economic  environment, 
obviously  the  probability  of  cultural  and  psychical  de- 
velopment would  increase  proportionately.  For  while 
unquestionably  many  would  under  such  conditions  sink 
into  degradation  through  idleness  and  dissipation,  others 
would  make  use  of  their  opportunity  to  devote  their 
energies  to  cultural  achievement. 

'For  studies  of  English  poverty,  see  Charles  Booth,  "Life  and 
Labour  of  the  People  of  London,"  a  monumental  work  in  seventeen 
volumes;  B.  S.  Rowntree,  "Poverty,  A  Study  of  Town  [York] 
Life,"  and  Richard  Free,  "Seven  Years  Hard"  (in  East  End, 
London). 


CULTURAL    AM)    MATERIAL   CIVILIZATION       233 

On  the  other  hand,  if  a  leisure  class  through  war  or 
other  disaster  sank  back  in  the  economic  scale  to  the 
extreme  of  penury,  a  generation  or  two  would  sec  the 
loss  of  its  high  attainment,  and  a  return  to  the  groveling 
standards  of  the  rudest  group  life. 

One  may  therefore  assert  that  a  group  subjected  to  a 
wretched  physical  environment  is  determined  by  it  and 
has  no  possibility,  under  the  conditions,  of  developing 
either  higher  economic  or  cultural  civilization.  If,  how- 
ever, physical  environment  improves  the  bettered  con- 
dition of  the  group  allows  the  possibility  of  economic 
and  cultural  achievement.  Favorable  physical  con- 
ditions and  development  in  economic  and  cultural  capac- 
ity would  give  probability  of  increasingly  higher  eco- 
nomic and  cultural  development,  so  that  the  plane  of 
civilization  rises  as  the  planes  of  physical,  economic  and 
cultural  conditions  rise. 

It  must  of  course  be  kept  in  mind  that  these  state- 
ments apply  to  groups  as  such,  not  to  every  individual 
,    .      in  them.     A  depressed  group  will  have  a  low 

The  relation  l  o        i 

of  the  group  cultural    attainment,    even   though,    through 
to  the  variation  in  heredity  or  accidental  education, 

there  be  an  occasional  individual  who  rises 
above  the  attainment  of  the  group.  So  likewise  a 
leisure  class  has  opportunity  to  develop  high  culture, 
although  individuals  of  it  neglect  the  opportunities 
afforded  them,  and  fall  in  attainment  far  below  the  ex- 
ceptional individuals  from  the  lowest  classes.  The 
failure  of  a  person  to  take  advantage  of  his  opportunities 
for  cultural  attainment  may  be  due  to  a  lack  of  a  family 
tradition  of  culture,  to  the  depressing  influence  of  vulgar 


234  SOCIOLOGY 

or  depraved  companionship,  or  to  t"he  ease  of  acquiring 
bodily  pleasures  compared  with  the  difficulty  of  cul- 
tivating higher  emotions.  The  physical  is  suited  to 
natural  instinct,  the  cultural  is  the  product  of  idealism 
and  intellectual  choice,  hence  in  culture  as  in  cultural 
religion  "many  are  called  but  few  are  chosen."  Or, 
again,  individuals  within  a  group  in  the  amassing  of 
wealth,  so  far  from  gaining  culture  may  lose  what  little 
cultural  attainment  they  possessed.  Nevertheless,  their 
economic  achievements  still  remain  in  the  possession  of 
the  community ;  their  legatees,  or  society  as  a  whole,  reap 
the  benefit  of  their  labors,  and  somewhere  at  least  there 
is  the  enjoyment  of  higher  culture  through  their  exertions. 
The  theory,  furthermore,  does  not  assert  that  if 
national  economic  conditions  are  favorable,  cultural 
Class  dis-  civilization  for  the  entire  national  group  is 
tactions  in  inevitable.  It  merely  asserts  that  national 
culture.  conditions  will  be  favorable  for  cultural  de- 
velopment. If,  however,  the  national  group  is  divided 
into  castes  or  classes,  one  of  which  monopolizes  the 
advantages  derived  from  favorable  economic  condi- 
tions, that  class  has  the  opportunity  for  cultural  de- 
velopment but  not  the  others.  Each  of  these  tends 
to  develop  its  own  degree  of  cultural  attainment  whether 
high  or  low.  If  caste  distinctions  are  maintained  by 
law  and  custom,  each  class  will  retain  its  own  culture 
without  mixture.  If,  however,  there  is  no  such  sep- 
aration, and  the  classes  meet  in  some  of  the  relation- 
ships of  social  life,  there  will  be  a  superficial  mingling 
of  cultures,  which,  however,  will  never  be  complete  as 
long  as  economic  differences  remain.     Thus  house  serv- 


CULTURAL   AND   MATERIAL  CIVILIZATION       235 

ants  or  slaves  readily  absorb  by  social  imitation  some 
of  the  culture  and  manners  of  their  masters,  and  these 
in  their  turn,  cared  for  as  children  by  their  social 
inferiors,  imbibe  coarser  traits.  In  some  such  manner 
the  courtesy  of  medieval  chivalry  passed  to  Romance 
peasantry,  as  may  still  be  seen  in  the  natural  polite- 
ness and  dignity  of  the  lower  economic  classes  in  France 
or  Spain. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  should  not  be  assumed  that 
all  the  members  of  a  group  are  necessarily  on  a  par. 
The  growth  ^  §ocs  without  saying  that  some  are  more 
of  talent  and  talented  than  others.  In  any  group  there 
genms.         wjjj  ke  genmses  ancj  men  0f  capacity,  and 

others  again  who  are  ordinary  or  even  below  the 
average  in  mentality.  The  laws  of  heredity  are  not 
yet  so  clearly  understood  as  to  enable  society  to 
declare  dogmatically  in  what  part  of  its  membership 
genius  and  talent  may  be  expected  to  develop.  That 
knowledge  may  possibly  come  through  biological  and 
psychological  investigations  in  later  generations.  Mean- 
while it  is  safe  to  assume  that  greatness  under  proper 
conditions  may  be  expected  from  the  lower  as  well  as 
from  the  higher  social  classes.  Society  must  therefore 
see  to  it  that  the  benefits  resulting  from  economic 
achievement  be  as  widely  distributed  as  possible.  Under 
genetic  civilization  they  readily  become  the  monopoly 
of  a  few,  but  under  telic  civilization  society  would 
make  this  impossible.  The  genius  of  great  financiers, 
merchants,  manufacturers  and  the  managers  of  large 
systems  of  transportation  has  never  been  adequately 
recognized  by  society,   which  has  been  too  prone  to 


236  SOCIOLOGY 

pay  to  the  warrior  or  the  priest  the  homage  really  due 
to  the  financier  and  the  merchant  who  made  p  ossible  the 
success  of  the  others.1  These  achievers  in  the  economic 
world,  with  all  their  shortcomings,  represent  a  factor 
in  society  with  claims  comparable  to  those  of  scientific 
invention  or  industrial  skill.  Their  reward,  however, 
should  not  be  in  a  permission  to  monopolize  the  profits 
of  industry,  but  in  well-earned  dignities  and  honors 
such  as  only  society  can  give.  The  benefits  from  their 
financial  exertions,  which  would  be  fruitless  without 
the  cooperation  of  other  social  agencies,  should  be 
shared  alike  by  all  in  the  state,  according  to  the  so- 
cial utility  of  each.  Society,  in  addition  to  its  natural 
resources,  needs  as  a  foundation  on  which  to  erect  the 
edifice  of  cultural  civilization,  the  combined  capacities 
of  worker,  manager,  scientist  and  inventor.  Given 
these,  wisely  fostered,  carefully  regulated  and  safe- 
guarded, as  necessity  demands,  there  need  be  no  further 
anxiety  in  respect  to  cultural  civilization,  for  it  would 
develop  easily  and  rapidly. 

What  then  is  the  social  problem  in  respect  to  cul- 
tural civilization?  The  answer  can  perhaps  be  more 
„    .  , .  readily  seen  if  one  has  clearly  in  mind  just 

Social  lm-  . 

portance  of  what  is  implied  by  the  phrase  cultural  civil- 
cultural  ization.  This  has  already  been  explained  as 
the  sum  total  of  all  society's  religious,  moral, 
esthetic  and  intellectual  achievements.2  But  these 
achievements    are   not   tangible,    material    things,    but 

1  Note  the  interesting  series  by  Elbert  Hubbard  for  1909,  entitled 
"Little  Journeys  to  the  Homes  of  Great  Business  Men." 

2  Pages  167,  168. 


CULTURAL   AND    MATERIAL   CIVILIZATION       237 

are  felt,  desired,  sought  for  and  perceived  by  the  mind. 
A  peasant,  however,  dulled  by  centuries  of  over- 
worked ancestry  lacks  the  high  quality  of  mind  neces- 
sary for  cultural  achievement  and  appreciation.  Back 
of  high  psychic  attainment  is  a  delicately  organized 
nervous  system,  and  a  physical  brain  strongly  convo- 
luted and  strengthened  by  centuries  of  ancestral  think- 
ing. Plainly  society  cannot  make  such  organisms,  as 
it  might  order  a  cannon  or  a  ship.  All  that  can  be 
done  is  on  the  assumption  that  its  racial  stock  contains 
such  quality,  to  arrange  the  conditions  of  life  so  that 
that  kind  of  brain  may  have  an  opportunity  for  train- 
ing and  expression.  If  one  assumes  the  truth  of  the 
Platonic  idea  that  such  capacity  is  not  restricted  to 
the  privileged  classes  only,  but  is  latent  among  the 
mass  of  the  population,  and  may  be  developed  under 
proper  conditions,  then  evidently  society  should  en- 
deavor to  ascertain  who  are  those  in  its  population 
that  have  capacity  and  talent  for  moral,  esthetic  and 
intellectual  attainment. 

There  are  especial  reasons  why  this  should  be  done. 
In  the  first  place  economic  attainment  is  itself  dependent 
„    .  ,  .        on  the  development  of  a  certain  amount  of 

Social  de-  l 

mand  for  culture.  Honesty  and  moral  uprightness  are 
talent  and     essential  to  business  success,  but  the  keenness 

genius. 

or  economic  competition  naturally  tends  to 
lower  moral  standards,  and  there  is  need  always  of  an 
infusion  of  higher  morality  from  the  cultural  world  so 
as  to  keep  economic  attainment  on  a  high  grade.  The 
farsighted  manager  sees  that  competition  is  best  met 
by  honesty,  supplemented  by  an  infinite  attention  to 


238  SOCIOLOGY 

the  elimination  of  waste,  the  perfection  of  organization, 
the  utilization  of  labor-saving  inventions  and  a  body 
of  employees  who  work  for  the  business  and  not  merely 
for  wages.  No  nation  can  maintain  supremacy  in  the 
economic  world  until  high  morals  dominate  its  economic 
life.  The  trickery  and  double  dealing  so  common  in 
petty  business  becomes  unprofitable  in  a  larger  indus- 
trial sphere.  Japan,  e.  g.  as  it  passes  into  the  competi- 
tion for  the  business  of  the  world,  handicapped  by  the 
dishonesty  of  its  merchants,  is  deliberately  trying  to 
raise  the  moral  standards  of  trade  to  those  set  by  its 
former  knightly  class,  the  Samurai.  In  the  same  way 
there  is  needed  in  economic  life  an  idea  of  the  artistic  if 
only  to  enlarge  the  demand  for  finer  grades  of  goods. 
The  words  cheap  and  ugly  are  almost  synonymous,  and 
what  they  stand  for  belongs  to  a  low  economic  order. 
Economic  achievements  themselves  readily  become  ar- 
tistic, for  there  is  a  close  relationship  between  the  brain 
that  can  invent  a  machine  and  that  which  can  fashion  a 
statue.  In  the  same  way  an  economic  civilization  can 
never  attain  its  height  unless  the  scientist  and  the  phi- 
losopher cooperate.  The  head  of  a  great  business  must 
see  visions,  he  must  be  a  prophet,  a  scientist  and  a  phi- 
losopher by  intuition ;  he  must  foresee  the  conditions  of 
the  market,  accurately  judge  human  motives  and  char- 
acter, comprehend  the  significance  of  inventions  and 
scientific  discoveries,  and  he  must  view  the  parts  of  his 
establishment  as  a  whole  and  in  its  relations  to  other 
departments  of  economic  activity.  As  its  economic  life 
broadens,  therefore,  a  country  must  develop  culture  and 
cultural  education,  and  must  use  in  its  business  the 


CULTURAL   AND   MATERIAL   CIVILIZATION       239 

most  capable  men  turned  out  by  the  colleges,  by  offering 
the  stimulus  of  high  pecuniary  reward. 

There  is  another  reason  why  society  must  assist  to 
birth  cultural  civilization.  The  most  serious  handicaps 
Need  of  ^°  social  development  arise  from  poor  phy- 
cuiturai  sique  and  low  ideals.  The  sin,  vice  and 
ideals.  misery  of  life  are,  aside  from  physical  causes, 

due  to  the  defectiveness  and  insufficiency  of  cultural 
teaching  and  idealism.  The  stimulus  that  may  come 
to  a  life  through  the  inspiration  of  a  great  moral 
or  religious  idea,  or  a  love  for  the  beautiful  in  form,  color 
or  sound  has  a  refining  influence  that  makes  one  abhor 
the  vulgarity  of  vice.  A  knowledge  of  scientific  truth 
is  one  of  the  most  powerful  agencies  for  the  promotion 
of  morality.  The  necessity  of  law,  and  the  inevitable 
consequences  that  follow  a  violation  of  it,  teach  morality 
as  no  text-book  can;  and  he  who  can  rightly  philosophize 
may  make  blunders  in  his  life  to  be  sure,  but  has  an  in- 
spiration that  lifts  him  above  the  primitive  vices,  en- 
abling him  to  live  a  life  of  honor  and  nobility.  Finally, 
society  should  favor  cultural  development,  because  only 
thereby  can  man  enjoy  happiness.  After  all,  happiness 
is  the  aim  of  life  as  philosophy  is  the  guide  of  it.  In 
primitive  savagery  eating  and  mating  made  up  the  joy 
of  existence.  Then  came  the  delights  of  warring  and  of 
besting  one's  opponent  in  economic  competition.  But 
as  men  pass  into  higher  civilization,  these  pleasures  pair 
into  insignificance  before  the  joy  derived  from  the 
higher  emotions  and  intellectual  aspirations.  Physical 
and  competitive  joys  find  their  proper  place  in  life,  but 
a  society,  whose  members  can  appreciate  the  beauty  of 


240  SOCIOLOGY 

a  moral,  artistic  or  scientific  ideal,  has  within  itself  a 
happiness  that  will  inspire  the  physical  and  the  eco- 
nomic also,  and  make  even  monotonous  work  a  pleasure. 
Cultural  civilization  springs  from  the  material,  and  in 
return  it  becomes  its  most  stalwart  supporter,  inspiring 
a  more  abundant  economic  life  in  society. 

If  now  we  assume  that  society,  appreciating  the  im- 
portance of  cultural  attainment,  desires  to  multiply  the 
amount  of  it,  what  methods  should  it  use? 
acia  The  first  and  chief  point  has  already  several 

vigor.  r  J 

times  been  mentioned.  The  social  group 
must  be  made  up  in  the  main  of  a  vigorous  race,  freed 
from  the  fear  of  starvation  and  from  a  dreary  routine 
of  endless  toil.  Healthy  bodies,  sound  minds  and 
leisure  are  the  social  essentials  for  cultural  achievement 
and  civilization. 

This  standard  is  by  no  means  so  impossible  of  attain- 
ment as  it  may  seem.  For  the  laws  of  physical  develop- 
ment are  so  well  understood  to-day  1  that,  other  things 
being  equal,  there  is  no  reason  why  society  should  not 
definitely  proceed  to  build  up  the  physique  of  the  race. 
Pure-food  laws,  the  study  of  household  economics,  in- 
cluding dietetics,  gymnasia  of  all  sorts,  out-of-door 
recreations  and  games,  parks  and  summer  vacations  for 
purposes  of  rest,  all  these  modern  movements  aim  to 
build  up  a  national  physique.  The  real  difficulty  is  that 
a  large  part  of  the  racial  stock,  because  of  its  low 
economic  status,  is  debarred  from  these  benefits.     This 

1  As  examples  of  such  works,  note  Walter  L.  Pyle,  "Personal 
Hygiene,"  and  F.  Jordan,  "Character  as  Seen  in  Body  and  Par- 
entage." 


CULTURAL    AND    MATERIAL   CIVILIZATION       241 

obstacle,  while  a  serious  one,  is  not  insurmountable.  If 
society  clearly  saw  what  it  wanted,  and  perceived  the 
means  at  hand  for  the  accomplishment  of  its  desire, 
time  and  social  education  would  do  the  rest. 

Probably  most  of  our  advanced  nations  could  free 
themselves  from  this  incubus  within  a  very  few  gen- 
erations if  they  felt  so  inclined.     They  have 

Means  of  ' J  ... 

attaining  already  wealth  and  economic  achievement 
racial  enough  to  dispense  with  the  handicap  of  an 

ignorant,  unskilled  proletariat,  if  proper 
adjustments  were  made.  This  class  is  the  real  drag 
to  material  prosperity.  Because  of  its  misery,  not 
because  of  its  innate  depravity,  it  supplies  the  larger 
part  of  our  vice,  pauperism  and  crime,  with  the  conse- 
quent expense  of  charity,  jails,  correctional  schools, 
hospitals,  police  force  and  other  disciplinary  agencies, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  energy  wasted  by  these  theoreti- 
cally useless  institutions  and  the  social  loss  due  to 
undeveloped  capacity  in  the  proletariat.  This  waste 
is  a  heavy  tax  on  social  efficiency  and,  as  it  naturally 
tends  to  increase  by  mere  imitation  and  propagation, 
it  can  drag  down  a  nation  from  the  foremost  place  and 
make  of  it  an  Italy  or  a  Spain. 

The  following  remedies  are  possible :    invention  should 
be  stimulated  so  as  to  multiply  machinery  to  perform 

the  work  now  done  by  unskilled  labor;    food 
0C1. ......      supplies   could    be    cheapened    by    scientific 

possibilities.        l  r  l  J 

development;  the  housing  condition  of  the 
poor  could  be  vastly  improved  by  wiser  legislation; 
economic  profits  could  be  more  fairly  distributed  by 
the    encouragement    of    the    wiser    features    of    trade- 


242  SOCIOLOGY 

unionism,  and  by  a  state  tax  derived  from  incomes, 
inheritances,  franchises  and  corporations,  instead  of 
present  systems  of  taxation  whose  burden  falls  chiefly 
on  the  poor.  The  effective  regulation  of  corporations 
would  also  be  essential,  and  checks  should  be  placed 
on  monopolistic  tendencies.  Industrial  and  cultural 
education  should  be  vigorously  encouraged  and  given 
in  its  best  forms  to  the  poorest  classes,  so  as  to  stimu- 
late them  to  enter  skilled  occupations  and  begin  the 
intensive  cultivation  of  the  land.1  Finally,  society 
should  endeavor  to  distribute  its  population  by  the  use 
of  such  stimuli  as  were  employed  in  the  settlement  of 
the  great  West.  A  policy  aiming  gradually  to  remove 
the  necessity  of  unskilled  labor  would  tend  to  purify  so- 
cial life,  to  free  an  immense  amount  of  energy  and  cap- 
ital now  wasted,  to  multiply  achievements  by  enlarging 
the  achieving  classes,  and  by  bringing  the  extremes 
of  society  nearer,  to  allow  a  real  democracy.  It  hardly 
seems  possible  that  the  expense  of  any  such  policy 
would  begin  to  equal  the  present  annual  cost  of  vice, 
crime  and  pauperism.  Not  that  these  would  be  entirely 
eliminated;  such  problems  will  undoubtedly  last  for 
centuries;  but  the  backbone,  so  to  speak,  of  the  whole 
problem  would  be  broken  by  the  elimination  of  the 
depressed  third  of  advanced  civilization.  If  one  were 
to  take  into  account  the  increase  of  social  happiness 
and  capacity  as  the  result  of  such  a  policy,  a  clear 
conviction  would  surely  arise  that  the  trial  would  be 
worth  while. 

1  See  as  an  interesting  study  of  this  sort,  Bolton  Hall,  "Three 
Acres  and  Liberty." 


CHAPTER  XIII 

EDUCATION  '  AS  A   FACTOR   IN   SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

The  economic  is  one  factor  in  social  progress;  edu- 
cation is  its  complement.  At  the  outset  it  should  be 
Education  stated  that  sociology  is  not  primarily  con- 
in  the  cerned  with  that  part  of  social  phenomena 
included  in  the  so-called  science  of  educa- 
tion. That  science  devotes  itself  mainly  to  the  kind 
of  education  imparted  by  the  ordinary  schools  of  a 
national  system  of  education.  In  these,  aside  from 
those  for  industrial  and  technical  education,  instruc- 
tion is  given  in  the  simpler  traditional  knowledge  of 
society,  and  chiefly  for  economic  and  civic  purposes. 
It  consists  in  the  main  of  linguistics  and  mathematics, 
eked  out  by  a  slight  amount  of  scientific  and  cultural 
information.  The  wisdom  of  present  methods  and 
courses  of  study  is  seriously  questioned  by  many,  as 
well  as  their  utility  for  industrial  life  or  for  a  cultural 
civilization.  This  question,  however,  is  outside  the 
province  of  sociology,  except  in  so  far  as  its  principles 
may  prove  helpful  in  determining  the  policy  of  an 
educational  sj^stem. 

1  For  an  excellent  reference  book  on  education,  see  Ellwood  P. 
Cubberley,  "Syllabus  of  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education,  with 
Selected  Bibliographies  and  Suggested  Readings."  A  shorter  but 
excellent  bibliography  may  be  found  in  Thomas  Davidson,  "His- 
tory of  Education."     Note  also  in  this,  Chapter  IV. 

243 


244  SOCIOLOGY 

Since  every  formal  system  of  education  is  a  telic 
phenomenon,  and  implies  that  society  has  a  distinct 
The  aim  enc^  m  mmc^  that  end  should  be  clear,  and 
of  public  the  means  to  attain  the  end  should  be  the 
education,     k^   p0SSik}e  imder   the   circumstances.     If 

therefore  public  education  is  fundamentally  intended 
as  a  basis  for  economic  life,  with  such  civic  infor- 
mation as  may  be  necessary  for  citizenship,  then  the 
question  of  means  has  a  definite  basis.  School  ad- 
ministration is  regularly  static,  and  innovations  enter 
slowly,  yet  movements  away  from  the  old  are  clearly 
in  evidence.  The  trend  toward  industrial  education 
has  already  been  indicated,  and  changes  in  respect  to 
cultural  education  are  equally  well  marked:  as  the 
church,  for  example,  is  losing  its  control  over  secular 
education  and  has  no  compulsory  authority,  it  must 
teach  religion  to  the  young  attractively,  not  dogmatic- 
ally; in  the  schools  themselves  a  moral  change  is 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  chastisement  and  forced 
drudgery  begin  to  yield  to  incitement  of  interest  and 
emphasis  on  self-control;  sciences  with  their  fields  of 
general  knowledge  are  replacing  the  former  undue 
emphasis  on  linguistics;  and  esthetic  training  and 
stimulation  of  thought  processes  are  driving  out  mem- 
orization and  task  work.  There  is  a  movement  to 
emphasize  the  achievemental  ideas  of  higher  progress 
rather  than  studies  of  meaningless  details.  Sociology 
approves  this  stress  on.  social  fundamentals,  represent- 
ing the  dynamic,  progressive  quality  of  the  social  mind, 
without  which  static  conditions  would  prevail.  Much 
of  the  other  sort  of  knowledge  is  acquired  under  the 


EDUCATION  AND   SOCIAL   PROGRESS  245 

domestic,  economic  and  social  environment  of  early 
years,  if  these  are  at  all  what  they  should  be;  and 
schools  should  merely  supplement  this  natural  train* 
ing  in  connection  with  an  increasing  emphasis  on  scien- 
tific teachings  in  their  fundamental  form,  and  the 
cultural  ideals  of  higher  civilization.  No  system  of 
education  is  worthy  of  the  name  which  fails  to  teach 
its  pupils  cosmic  principles,  or  fails  to  arouse  the 
imaginative  and  the  ideal,  and  to  give  glimpses  of  the 
world  of  thought.  The  human  mind  naturally  begins 
to  reach  after  these  in  the  early  years  of  adolescence, 
while  facts  and  activities  appeal  throughout  the  entire 
period  of  growth. 

There  are  many  who,  curiously  enough,  assume  that 
there  is  a  natural  antagonism  between  utility  and  cul- 
ture.    Like   Mr.    Gradgrind,1    who   preferred 
Supposed  .  n 

antagonism  facts  to  theories  and  figures  to  fancies,  they 
of  utility       believe   that   no   instruction   is   good   unless 

and  culture.  .     .  .  . 

presented  in  unattractive  form  and  driven 
in  by  sternness  and  threat.  But  a  wiser  psychology 
insists  that  the  mind  in  its  development  follows  a 
natural  order,  and  should  be  supplied  always  with  a 
mental  diet  suited  to  its  stage  of  life,  so  that  the  child 
will  in  a  sense  hunger  and  thirst  after  knowledge. 
With  that  as  an  ideal,  in  early  years  well-directed 
play,  the  use  of  tools  to  some  extent,  the  simple  prin- 
ciples of  science  and  of  human  industry,  training  in 
rhythmic  movements  and  sounds,  and  the  beauty  of 
color  and  form,  might  be  imparted  as  fundamentals, 

1  Dickens'  "Hard   Times":  "Thomas   Gradgrind,  sir — a  man  of 
realities,  a  man  of  facts  and  calculations." 


246  SOCIOLOGY 

leaving  as  incidental  the  knowledge  of  written  language 
and  notation,  until  the  mind  demanded  them  for  use 
and  acquired  them  with  ease.  Under  such  a  training 
there  would  be  no  necessary  opposition  between  the 
useful  and  the  attractive.  The  youth  who  passed  into 
the  industries  would  carry  with  them  an  idea  of  beauty 
and  knowledge  that  would  be  felt  in  their  work;  and 
those  passing  on  to  higher  education  would  have  as  a 
basis  a  knowledge  of  tools  and  industry  that  would 
help  to  bridge  the  chasm  between  the  economic  and 
the  cultural  worlds.  Certainly  nothing  can  be  more 
disheartening  than  the  dull  apathy  of  those  legions 
of  citizens  who  have  been  "educated"  under  the  pres- 
ent system,  but  who  never  caught  the  gleam  of  inspira- 
tion, nor  thought  of  school  or  college  except  as  a  place 
of  punishment  and  detention.  Like  Bunyan's  atheist, 
they  traveled  the  road  that  leads  to  paradise,  but  after 
reaching  the  gates  of  it  they  turned  back  and  reported 
its  non-existence.  It  is  useless  to  disguise  the  many 
failures  of  education  by  charging  them  to  the  stupidity 
of  pupils.  Pupils  are  often  stupid  because  of  physical 
defect  or  malnutrition,1  but  failure  is  too  often  due 
to  a  defective  course  of  study  and  to  the  incompetency 
of  poorly  paid  and  wretchedly  trained  teachers,  who 
yet  are  struggling  forward  to  an  era  when  teaching 
will  be,  as  Plato  argued,  the  profession  most  deserving 
of  honor  in  the  state. 

Although  sociology  is  deeply  interested    in   the  re- 
sults   obtained   from    industrial    and   state    education, 

1  For  a  careful  study  on  this  topic,  see  A.  W.  Smyth,  "Physical 
Deterioration." 


EDUCATION   AND   SOCIAL   PROGRESS  247 

there  is  another  field  of  knowledge,  which  is  of  more 
vital  importance  to  social  progress.  It  will  be  remem- 
„.      ,         bered  that   the  rise   of   a  leisure  class  was 

Rise  ot 

cultural  noted  as  one  of  the  most  important  achievc- 
ldeais.  ments  of  early  civilization.     It  is  an  excellent 

illustration  of  how  a  genetic  achievement  containing 
elements  both  good  and  bad,  may  in  time  turn  defi- 
nitely in  positive  and  telic  directions.  In  its  begin- 
nings it  was  made  up  of  forceful,  brainy  men,  who  for 
selfish  purposes  exploited  their  fellows  in  war  or  slav- 
ery, thereby  growing  wealthy  through  injustice.  As 
individuals  they  of  course  by  modern  standards  deserve 
simply  condemnation,  but,  out  of  the  system  thus 
established,  grew  a  class  of  persons  who,  freed  from 
economic  strain,  devoted  themselves  to  thought,  out- 
side of  the  field  of  war  and  industrial  toil.1  Out  of 
their  speculations  on  the  mysteries  in  nature  and  in 
the  human  mind,  and  on  the  bases  for  moral  and  social 
systems,  there  slowly  developed  empirical  sciences  and 
philosophies,  ideals  of  goodness,  beauty  and  truth,  and 
laws  that  seemed  to  them  eternal. 

One  should  be  chary  censuring  the  blunders  of  a 
genetic  development.     In  such  an  age  men  are  prone 

1  Historically  such  classes  would  best  be  illustrated  by  the  priest- 
hood, such  as  the  hierarchy  of  ancient  Egypt,  for  example,  or  by 
the  Greek  philosophers.  In  more  modern  times  our  scientists, 
thinkers,  artists  and  moral  and  religious  leaders  are  seldom  engaged 
in  industrial  occupations.  They  receive  support  from  some  uni- 
versity or  ecclesiastical  organization  in  order  that  they  may  devote 
themselves  to  cultural  achievement.  The  leading  thinkers  in  great 
universities  are,  for  example,  seldom  expected  to  teach  more  than 
six  hours  per  week.  Their  real  work  is  in  the  study  or  the  labo- 
ratory. 


248  SOCIOLOGY 

to  assume  that  the  knowledge  they  have  is  absolute, 
lacking  as  they  do  historical  perspective  and  facility 
The  errors  m  Previsi°n-  Because  of  that  fact,  how- 
of  past  ever,  it  was  natural  that  the  teachings  of 
civilization.    great   fofokeTS   m   static   civilization   should 

have  developed  into  settled  dogmas  against  which  no 
one  must  raise  his  voice.  Yet  in  every  dynamic  age, 
aroused  b}'  the  clash  of  changing  conditions,  new 
thinkers  with  true  insight  and  daring  promulgated  wiser 
teachings,  even  though  they  were  considered  "impious 
and  perverters  of  the  youth."  Through  such  persons 
dogma  was  broken  down,  and  newer  truths  passed  into 
social  consciousness.1  As  in  all  such  movements,  prog- 
ress was  slow.  The  influence  of  the  innovator  was  weak 
in  comparison  with  the  power  of  static  thought,  which 
retarded  advancement  many  centuries  by  repression 
and  persecution.  Fortunately  for  progressive  civiliza- 
tion, the  invention  of  printing  broke  the  power  of  dog- 
matism, and  after  a  struggle  of  five  hundred  years  the 
printed  page  and  the  voice  have  become  free,  never  again 
to  be  suppressed.2  While,  therefore,  those  who  believe 
that  truth  has  been  finally  ascertained,  whether  in 
science  or  theology,  may,  like  the  decrepit  giant  of 
Bunyan,  mumble  at  passers-by,  they  can  no  longer 
bar  the  way  of  travelers  to  a  larger  knowledge  of 
life.     This  development  probably  marks  the  beginning 

1  As  illustrations  of  this  may  be  noted  Edward  Clodd,  "Pioneers  of 
Evolution  from  Thales  to  Huxley,"  and  C.  Raymond  Beazley,  "The 
Dawn  of  Modern  Geography— A. D.  300-1420,"  3  vols. 

2  On  this  subject  may  be  noted  article  by  the  author  on  "What 
are  the  legitimate  limits  of  free  speech  in  a  republic?"  Proceed- 
ings uj  the  Baptist  Congress  at  Chicago,  1908. 


EDUCATION     VXD    SOCIAL    PROGRESS  249 

of  the  end  of  genetic  thought  as  characteristic  of 
society.  We  are  passing  into  an  age  when  society, 
becoming  self-conscious  of  its  destiny,  is  aiming 
to  enlarge  its  activity  in  accord  with  well-planned 
ends. 

In  order  to  do  so,  however,  it  must  "  take  account  of 

stock."     Now  the  most  valuable  possession  society  has 

is  its  mass  of  cultural  ideas.     Its  greatest 

Social  value  . 

of  the  men  are  those  who  think  out  new  thoughts 

ideas  of  anci  a(j(j  to  the  sum  total  of  human  achieve- 
ment. Sociology's  chief  interest  in  education 
is  to  see  to  it  that  these  great  ideas  be  enlarged,  unified, 
taught  and  utilized  for  social  progress.  It  is  interested 
in  the  rise  of  men  who  will  add  to  these  ideas,  it  desires 
the  broadening  of  scientific  knowledge,  and  the  multi- 
plication of  inventions  for  lifting  from  human  shoulders 
the  necessity  of  wearisome,  physical  toil,  so  that  the 
people  as  a  whole  may  enjoy  leisure.  In  its  philo- 
sophic aspect  it  anticipates  the  time  when  the  great 
truths  of  ethics,  religion  and  philosophy  1  may  be  pre- 
sented so  clearly  to  the  human  mind  that  men  may 
emancipate  themselves  from  bondage  to  ignorance,  and 
become  free  in  will  and  mind.  The  education,  there- 
fore, in  which  sociology  is  directly  interested  is  not  that 
taught  in  the  schools,  fundamental  though  it  is,  but 
rather  the  teaching  of  those  ideas  that  arouse  men,  as 
Kant  put  it,  "from  dogmatic  slumber,"  and  inspire  in 

1  Note  as  attempts  in  this  direction  the  several  works  by  John 
Beattie  Crozier,  e.  g.  "Civilization  and  Progress,"  and  "History  of 
Intellectual  Development  on  the  Lines  of  Modern  Evolution," 
vol.  i. 


250  SOCIOLOGY 

them  a  desire  to  engage  in  the  never-ending  search  for 
the  holy  grail  of  science  and  philosophy. 

This  education  is  not  necessarily  imparted  merely  in 
schools  and  colleges,  where  instruction  is  so  largely  tra- 
ditional, but  is  carried  on  also  in  laboratory 
education  °T  anc^  factory,  in  libraries,  art  centers,  in  private 
study  and  in  great  correspondence  schools. 
It  comes  through  the  printing  press  and  in  the  vari- 
ous kinds  of  esthetic  enjoyment — in  beauty  of  motion, 
form,  color  and  sound,  or  even  in  the  games  that  de- 
velop moral  qualities,  as  well  as  on  the  platform  where 
great  issues  are  discussed.  Our  present  dynamic  civili- 
zation is  animated  through  and  through  by  a  desire  for 
real  knowledge,  and  along  with  much  that  is  useless  and 
even  injurious,  it  is  seeking  to  develop  its  knowledge  of 
social  achievement.  Great  economic  inventions  are  in- 
volving the  readjustment  of  state,  church,  family  and 
school.  As  these  readjust  themselves  to  new  or  modified 
bases  the  beginnings  of  movements  to  moralize  and 
beautify  life  should  arise  in  natural  order,  and  finally 
will  come  the  great  philosophies  to  explain  and  unify 
past  achievements.  First  the  inventor  and  the  scientist 
as  sappers  and  engineers  to  prepare  the  way,  then  re- 
organized institutions  to  retain  what  has  been  gained, 
and  finally  a  philosophy  to  unify  the  work  and  to  push 
on  the  forward  movement. 

This  order  of  development,  it  may.be  seen,  is  implied 
in  the  serial  order  of  the  sciences.1  If  we  look  at  these 
once  more  the  interdependence  of  all  knowledge  is 
evident.     Before  society  can  make  a  great  advance  in 

1  See  page  23. 


EDUCATION    AND   SOCIAL   PROGRESS  251 

economic  and  cultural  achievement,  it  must  broaden  its 

scientific  knowledge.     Geological  study  will  give  more 

complete  information  about  the  earth's  strata 

Scientific       anc|  £jie  weam1  0f  minerals  buried  in  them; 

knowledge. 

physics  must  discover  yet  more  in  regard  to 
cosmic  energy  and  how  it  may  be  comprehended  and 
forced  to  serve  human  ends,  as  light,  heat  and  power;1 
chemistry  must  show  the  new  possibilities  for  manu- 
facturing and  invention;  biological  science  must  add  to 
our  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  plant  and  animal  life,  in 
order  that  we  may  eradicate  the  diseases  of  organic 
structures  and  constructively  develop  through  the  use 
of  natural  energy  a  more  abundant  food  supply  and  a 
better  racial  stock;  while  psychology  must  discover  how 
mankind  may  treble  or  quadruple  its  capacity  for  thought. 
Only  as  these  sciences  add  achievement  to  achievement 
can  economic  and  political  institutions  cooperate  to 
build  up  a  favorable  basis  for  the  development  of  a 
vigorous  racial  stock,  whose  every  instinct  will  tend 
toward  activity,  so  as  to  overcome  the  inertia  of  cen- 
turies of  static  civilization.  Needless  to  say  that  under 
such  conditions,  properly  guided  for  common  enjoy- 
ment, there  could  not  help  but  come  a  great  outburst 
of  cultural  civilization.  Scientific  knowledge  is  a  great 
moralizer,  and  while  simple  morals  are  best  taught  through 
social  imitation,  ethical  standards  are  far  better  promul- 
gated through  science.  It  needs  no  prophet  to  foretell 
that  if  a  vigorous  race,  morally  and  mentally  capable, 

1  As  types  of  cosmic  generalizing  studies  may  be  noted  Carl 
Snyder,  "The  World  Machine,"  and  J.  A.  Thomson,  "The  Secret  of 
Life." 


252  SOCIOLOGY 

surrounded  by  our  modern  wealth  of  learning,  saw  itself 
in  the  midst  of  a  progressive  age,  its  bounding  energy- 
would  add  achievement  after  achievement  in  the  arts,  in 
religion  and  in  philosophy.  It  is  not  the  Ghetto  or  the 
slum  that  produces  our  best  thought,  but  the  ease  of 
leisure,  the  environment  of  culture  and  a  deathless  am- 
bition to  make  life  worth  living.  Happiness,  not  misery, 
is  the  spur  to  higher  achievement. 

With  respect  to  the  achievemental  ideas  of  society,  it 
is  needless  to  expect  anything  but  the  slow  and  tortuous 
Telic  multi-  movement  °f  genetic  development,  unless 
plication  of  society  definitely  undertakes  to  see  to  it  that 
ac  ievement.-£g  grea^  truths  are  developed  and  taught. 
The  time  must  come  when  the  broadening  of  knowl- 
edge may  be  definitely  undertaken  by  the  state  itself, 
but  as  long  as  its  interests  are  chiefly  warlike  and 
economic,  it  can  give  small  attention  even  to  matters 
fundamentally  more  important.  As  war  dies  out  and 
economic  development  becomes  more  scientifically  or- 
ganized, the  state  will  turn  more  and  more  to  the  moral- 
izing and  beautifying  !  of  the  conditions  of  life.  Mean- 
while, as  always  in  history,  that  stage  must  be  preceded 
by  the  movement  of  individuals  and  voluntary  groups, 
each  furthering  a  special  improvement.  But  these  nu- 
merous agencies  in  time  are  unified,  and  great  pro- 
vincial, national  and  even  international  organizations 
develop,  to  systematize  telic  activity.  Our  age  is  in  the 
midst  of  this  period,  and  higher  cultural  achievements 
are  multiplying  by  leaps  and  bounds.     Such  achieve- 

1  See,  for  example,  Charles  Mulford  Robinson,  "Modern  Civic 
Art." 


EDUCATION   AND   SOCIAL   PROGRESS  253 

ments  as  these  may  be  made  by  individuals,  and  by 
social  groups,  as  well  as  by  society  as  a  whole.  The 
number  of  persons  absorbed  in  the  possibility  of  some 
achievement  is  relatively  small.  There  always  will  be 
multitudes  to  "hold  the  fort,"  but  not  many  willing  to 
join  the  "forlorn  hope."  Still,  the  test  of  civilization  as 
well  as  of  bravery  is  willingness  to  expend  energy  and 
one's  self  in  the  attempt  to  push  forward  the  van  of 
progress.  For  this  reason  the  enlightened  half  of  the 
world  has  always  held  as  its  real  heroes  those  who  in 
study  or  laboratory  have  painfully  worked  out  the  great 
discoveries  in  science,  art,  invention  and  thought,  that 
collectively  make  men  but  "little  lower  than  the  an- 
gels." A  civilization  is  sound  as  long  as  it-  is  rearing 
men  and  women  who  neglect  bodily  ease  to  search  out  the 
possibilities  in  radium  or  electricity,  the  significance  of 
the  microbe  in  disease,  or  who  plan  a  national  banking 
system  or  an  improvement  in  law;  or  discover  scientific 
methods  for  the  reduction  of  the  death  rate;  or  who 
enrich  life  by  achievements  in  art  and  philosophy. 
Immediate  results  matter  little;  if  only  civilization  has 
such  workers  its  progress  is  sure.  The  contrary  is  true 
when  men  become  self-satisfied  and  devote  themselves 
to  the  classification  of  the  knowledge  of  their  fathers. 
A  man  in  love  with  his  pedigree  may  feel  sure  that  the 
best  part  of  him  is  buried  with  his  ancestry.  When 
civilization  turns  its  face  toward  the  past,  it  is  a  sure 
indication  that  the  times  are  decadent  and  that  persons 
prefer  ease  to  nobler  ambitions. 

It  is  a  hopeful  sign  of  the  times  that  individual  energy 
is  being  powerfully  stimulated  and  supplemented  by 


254  SOCIOLOGY 

group  activity.  Throughout  higher  civilization  there 
are  numerous  institutions  for  scientific  investigation. 
Gr  for  the   impartation  of  systematic  inform  a- 

achieve-  tion  in  respect  to  achievement,  and  for  the 
ment'  stimulation  of  others  to  aid  directly  or  in- 

directly in  the  forward  work  of  civilization.  In  the 
great  colleges  and  universities,  in  laboratories,  in  ex- 
perimental departments  of  manufactories,  in  libraries 
and  in  art  centers  men  are  supported  by  group  funds 
to  work  out  the  problems  of  civilization. 

A  similar  work,  though  more  restricted,  is  being  done 

by  states,  which  through  national  universities,  scientific 

bureaus,  and  commissions  for   research   are 

A.chi©v6~ 

ment  adding  to  the  common  stock  of  achievement, 

through  Unquestionably  the  state  will  in  the  future 
take  an  increasingly  larger  part  in  this,  but 
should  never  be  allowed  to  monopolize  it  lest  it  tend 
to  develop  fixed  standards.  The  very  fact  that  it 
represents  the  nation  as  a  whole  tends  to  make  it 
somewhat  conservative  and  less  prone  to  experiment 
with  the  new.  Freedom  of  thought  and  activity  are 
essential  to  high  attainment,  and  for  some  generations 
at  least  the  initiative  of  individuals  and  voluntary 
groups  will  prove  more  trustworthy  than  a  well-inten- 
tioned government  handicapped  by  general  inertia  and 
the  opposition  of  affected  interests.  If  the  time  should 
ever  come  when  state,  college  and  church  shall  have 
freed  themselves  from  the  notion  that  there  are  some 
laws,  institutions  and  dogmas  "too  sacred  to  be  dis- 
cussed," and  shall  have  adopted  the  scientific  idea  that 
teachings  are  always  to  be  held  open  for  more  light 


EDUCATION   AND   SOCIAL   PROGRESS  255 

and  knowledge,  then  it  may  be  possible  to  work  entirely 
through  these  for  achievement.  As  Sir  Thomas  More, 
however,  once  wrote,  "  There  are  many  things  .  .  .  that 
I  rather  wish  than  hope  to  sec  followed  in  our  govern- 
ments." x  As  long  as  a  curriculum  is  a  time-honored 
institution,  a  government  perfect  in  its  own  eyes,  and 
a  religion  so  true  that  its  dogmas  are  taught  to  unthink- 
ing children,  it  may  be  necessary  at  times  for  individ- 
uals and  groups  to  nail  their  protest  to  the  door,  and 
to  proclaim  a  newer  teaching  which,  like  Virgil's  jama, 
will  gain  strength  by  discussion.2 

Should  higher  education  be  imparted  to  all  the 
members  of  a  social  group  or  to  a  class  only?3  The 
Class  or  answer  of  genetic  civilization  is  very  clear; 
general  industrial  and  economic  training  should  be 
e  ucation.  gjven  ^0  ^he  masses,  cultural  training  to 
the  few.  If  society  rested  satisfied  with  this  reply, 
it  would  at  once  proceed  to  divide  its  educational  sys- 
tem into  two  parts:  instruction  in  the  trades  for  the 
many,  and  a  "classical  course"  for  the  children  of 
leisure,  who  are  to  be  kept  from  the  defilement 
of  industrial  pursuits.  Indeed,  educational  systems 
readily  and  naturally  incline  in  that  direction.  To 
think  otherwise  in  fact  really  requires  an  effort  of  the 
social  will  and  a  clear  perception  of  an  ideal  to  be 
attained.  This  ideal  in  opposition  to  genetic  civiliza- 
tion is  supplied  by  the  democratic  humanitarian  move- 

1  "Utopia,"  at  the  end. 

2  Book  IV,  1.  175:  virisque  adquirit  eundo. 

3  On  this  point  see  Mackenzie's  "Social  Philosophy,"  Chapter 
VI,  Part  III. 


256  SOCIOLOGY 

merit  of  recent  centuries,  which  exalts  as  an  ideal  equal 
opportunity,  for  all,  irrespective  of  social  station.  Obvi- 
ously this  ideal  is  as  yet  impracticable  in  complete 
application,  but  in  education  an  approximation  to  it 
is  possible  through  free  public  schools  and  the  ease 
with  which,  in  some  countries  at  least,  persons  of  small 
means  may  obtain  education  in  college  or  university. 

Since    the    ideal    of    democracy    is   from   the   socio- 
logical standpoint  a  matter  of  fundamental  importance, 
it  makes  great    difference    whether    cultural 

Social  1m-  . 

portance  of  knowledge  is  open  to  the  many  or  the  few. 
the  demo-     The  reaS0n  has  already  been  partially  ex- 

cr3.tic  icl°til 

plained.  Great  achievements  are  not  made 
by  humdrum  minds  but  by  men  of  genius.  Talent  is 
not  confined  to  the  descendants  of  the  members  of  the 
leisure  class  only,  but  is  displayed  by  the  sons  of  the 
poor,  who  in  their  bitter  experience  often  develop  a 
type  of  mentality  potent  with  genius.  Yet  if  class 
lines  are  sharply  drawn  and  cultural  opportunities  are 
scantily  offered  to  the  poor,  hard  toil  and  the  lack  of 
a  stimulating  environment  depress  natural  capacity. 
In  consequence,  a  powerful  brain,  able  to  make  great 
achievement  under  proper  conditions,  becomes  warped; 
and,  blindly  fretting  with  discontent,  turns  against 
existing  institutions,  and  may  become  rabidly  hostile 
to  society.  The  social  loss  is  not  simply  therefore  in 
achievements  not  made,  but  in  avoidable  friction  and 
turbulence.  From  either  standpoint  the  waste  is 
unnecessary.  If  as  a  matter  of  telic  policy  a  distinct 
attempt  were  made  to  impart  to  all  members  of  society, 
rich  and  poor,  male  and  female,  an  opportunity  in  their 


EDUCATION   AND   SOCIAL   PROGRESS  257 

youth  to  come  into  contact  with  a  stimulating  cultural 
environment  through  wiser  and  larger  educational 
facilities;  and  if  the  brightest  were  carefully  trained 
to  see  the  boundless  opportunities  lying  before  them 
in  the  economic  and  cultural  worlds,  certain  effects 
would  inevitably  follow.  There  would  be  a  greater 
refinement  and  morality  among  the  people  as  a  whole; 
many  would  become  far  more  capable  workers,  parents 
and  citizens;  and  still  others  would  carry  out  ambi- 
tions and  desires,  leading  toward  social  achievement. 
Occasionally  from  the  ranks  would  rise  a  poet  or  an 
inventor,  a  statesman  or  a  philosopher,  who  would 
leave  an  immortal  name.  If  a  nation  did  nothing  more 
than  to  give  systematic  and  scientific  training  in  the 
industries,  labor-saving  devices  would  probably  multi- 
ply in  great  number,  for  many  workingmen  have  natural 
ingenuity  and  see  possible  improvements  in  the  machin- 
ery they  handle,  but  lack  the  knowledge  necessary 
to  bring  their  ideas  to  fruition.  When  the  unskilled 
become  skilled  and  the  skilled  become  scientific,  the 
worst  part  of  the  social  problem  will  be  solved.  When 
all  citizens  through  social  and  civic  agencies  are  brought 
into  contact  with  the  best  in  civilization,  democracy 
will  prove  its  utility  and  justify  the  visions  of  men  like 
Jefferson  and  Lincoln  who  trusted  even  the  people  of 
their  time. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

APPLICATIONS  OF  SOCIAL  PSYCHOLOGY  TO  SOCIAL 
PROGRESS 

One  of  the  most  important  problems  in  social  philos- 
ophizing is  the  maintenance  of  a  proper  balance  between 
c    .  , social  control  and  individual  initiative,   the 

Social  con-  > 

troi  and  in-  one  tending  toward  static,  the  other  toward 
dividuahsm.  dynamic  civilization.  It  is  easy  with  Plato 
to  approve  a  form  of  society  in  which  the  wisest 
regulate  with  perfect  system  the  entire  social  order. 
If  only  the  community  could  be  placed  under  the 
guidance  of  a  benevolent  monarch,  or  of  the  most 
capable  class,  and  be  told  what  to  believe  and  how  and 
when  to  work  or  play,  social  arrangements  to  many 
would  seem  ideally  perfect.  Unquestionably  in  every 
national  group  a  large  part  of  the  population  would  pre- 
fer just  that  system,  wishing  for  no  better  lot  than  the 
privilege  of  transferring  all  their  anxieties  to  a  ruling 
class  under  the  guaranty  of  a  sheltering  roof,  a  full 
stomach  and  social  companionship. 

Yet  in  every  community  there  always  are  others  who 
in  heaven  itself  would  demand  the  privilege  of  intro- 
ducing innovations.1  Pushing,  restless  individualists, 
fond  of  the  stimulus  of  danger,  they  are  eager  to  try  ex- 

1  Milton's  Satan,  in  "Paradise  Lost,"  is  an  heroic  figure  and  seeme 
to  many  more  attractive  than  his  opponent. 

258 


APPLICATIONS   OF  SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY         259 

periments  even  though  in  the  attempt  they  blow  them- 
selves skyward.     What  they  lack  in  numbers  they  make 
up  in  energy,  and  they  insist  on  stirring  up  discord,  even 
when  social  order  has  been  established  and  a  "Roman 
peace"  proclaimed.     One  class  prefers  peace  even  with 
ignominy,  the  other  liberty  or  death.     It  is  the  eternal 
cosmic    opposition    between    inertia    and    motion,    the 
centripetal  and  the  centrifugal,  heredity  and  variation, 
aristocracy  and  democracy,  socialism  and  individualism. 
The  sociological  solution  for  the  problem  of  harmon- 
izing these  warring  elements  is  the  comparatively  simple 
method  of  compromise.     It  would  retain  both 
types  of  mind  but  would  have  them  work  in 

promise.  J  l 

unison.1  It  emphasizes  the  importance  of  a 
social  order  with  its  definite  law,  customs  and  institutions, 
but  makes  the  maintenance  of  this  order  depend  on  the 
quality  of  the  individuals,  seeking  always  to  make 
these  energetic  and  intelligent.  It  would  have  society 
dominate  individuals  who  have  themselves  fixed  the 
conditions  of  their  subjection,  and  who  find  in  the  system 
a  ready  scope  for  their  energy  and  ambition.  It,  there- 
fore, insists  on  a  social  control  and  an  individual  initia- 
tive, as  both  necessary  factors  for  social  order,  but 
would  so  adjust  them  if  possible  that  order  would  be- 
come progressive  and,  like  the  solar  system,  move 
steadily  forward  toward  a  goal  too  distant  for  the  human 
mind  as  yet  fully  to  comprehend. 

Social  control  is  of  course  exerted  chiefly  through  the 
collective  mass  of  social  institutions.     In  the  customs, 

xNote   on   this  topic   N.    S.    Shaler,    "The    Individual,"    "The 
Neighbor." 


260  SOCIOLOGY 

traditions  and  law  of  these  numerous  organizations  is 
conserved   the   wisdom  and  folly  of  past  generations. 

The  family,  the  church  and  the  state,  for  in- 
Sociai  a  apt"  stance,  by  determining  rules,  adjusting  wrongs 

and  disputes,  and  through  education  seek  to 
mould  each  new  generation  into  racial  and  ancestral 
types.  The  youthful  mind  is  plastic,  and  readily 
adapts  itself  to  instruction,  whether  given  by  word  or 
example.  It  is  taught  to  respect  public  opinion,  to  obey 
law,  to  accept  traditional  beliefs,  to  act  in  conventional 
ways,  and  to  conform  to  set  standards  of  conduct.  It 
is  taught  respect  for  power  and  knowledge,  love  for  kin 
and  country,  and  the  principles  of  egoism  and  altruism. 
Evidently  the  importance  of  social  institutions  should 
never  be  underestimated.  As  agencies  that  mould  the 
customs  of  newer  generations  they  ensure  social  sta- 
bility and  conserve  racial  achievements.1  Yet  in  a 
dynamic  age  it  would  be  a  great  misfortune  if  institu- 
tions were  so  fixed  as  to  be  changed  only  with  great 
difficulty.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  equally  per- 
nicious if  customs  and  institutions  were  too  easily  mod- 
ified, responding  to  each  passing  influence.  Rigidity 
needs  to  be  combined  in  social  organization  with  flexi- 
bility, so  that  changes  may  come,  but  gradually,  in 
order  that  the  mind  may  become  used  to  newer  condi- 
tions as  the  older  pass  away.  Economic  and  educa- 
tional changes  wisely  planned  toward  a  telic  purpose 
would  allow  this.     It  takes  time  for  inventions,  or  for 

1  For  an  excellent  study  of  social  institutions  in  contrasting  civ- 
ilizations, see  Edward  Payson  Tenney,  "Contrasts  in  Social  Prog- 
ress." 


APPLICATIONS   OF   SOCIAL    PSYCHOLOGY         261 

modifications  in  employment,  in  foods  and  in  housing  to 
become  familiar  to  the  whole  of  society.  Scientific  ideas 
and  the  ideals  of  cultural  civilization  have  to  be  slowly 
absorbed  and  assimilated  before  results  can  follow,  and  a 
generation  may  pass  before  desired  modifications  are 
evident.  Just  as  agriculture  necessitates  more  patience 
and  forethought  than  nomadism,  so  society  must  plan 
for  a  hundred  years  in  advance,  and  its  leaders  be  con- 
tent to  let  others  reap  what  they  sow.  At  present  men 
foolishly  demand  rapid  results,  and  expect  by  mere 
legislation  to  introduce  new  systems.  Fundamental 
changes  too  suddenly  introduced  upset  more  than  they 
upbuild,  and  human  experience  has  wisely  decreed  that 
haste  must  be  made  slowly. 

If,  however,  economic  and  educational  conditions 
are  modified  so  that  the  extremes  of  economic  wealth 
Relativity  ^enc^  ^°  disappear,  if  skill  supersedes  igno- 
of  knowl-  ranee  in  trade  and  industry,  and  scientific 
and  cultural  ideas  become  familiar  to  all, 
there  will  follow  gradually  but  surely,  changes  in  the 
other  institutions  of  life,  tending  to  build  up  a  more 
vigorous  racial  physique,  and  a  greater  mental  flexi- 
bility for  the  assimilation  of  cultural  ideals.  The  real 
importance  of  social  institutions  would  then  become 
clear.  If  based  on  scientific  principles,  stable  yet  pro- 
gressive, they  would  develop  in  each  generation  more 
and  more  effectively  men  capable  of  rectifying  the 
blunders  of  former  ages,  and  of  building  up  a  civiliza- 
tion that  would  eliminate  the  weaker  elements  in  society. 
The  fundamental  necessity  is  that  these  great  static 
influences  should  avoid  a  dogmatic  attitude  of  mind. 


262  SOCIOLOGY 

It  does  not  much  matter  whether  error  be  taught  along 
with  the  good,  if  only  its  teachers  will  admit  the  possi- 
bility of  error  and  urge  their  pupils  to  seek  out  the 
truth.  It  is  characteristic  of  static  conditions  to 
assume  that  parents,  teachers,  religious  guides,  great 
leaders  of  all  sorts,  the  printed  page  and  ancient  teach- 
ings, are  all  perfect.  It  is  far  better,  while  teaching 
the  best  one  knows,  to  admit  fallibility,  to  aid  in  the 
search  for  larger  truth,  and  to  stimulate  the  younger 
to  join  in  the  seeking.  Our  institutions  must  teach 
what  seems  true  at  the  time,  but  with  as  little  dogma- 
tism as  possible.  Along  with  instruction  in  the  cus- 
toms, beliefs  and  traditions  of  the  age  should  be  taught 
an  attitude  of  mind,  viz.  a  determination  while  holding 
fast  what  is  good,  to  reach  out  ever  in  search  of  the 
better,  guided  by  an  ideal  of  the  best.  It  is  socially 
wrong  to  teach  a  child  as  absolute  truth  doctrines  that 
in  later  years  will  impede  his  mental  progress  or  neces- 
sitate a  struggle  for  their  modification  or  rejection. 
Freeing  one's  mind  from  error  should  be  a  joy,  yet 
dogmatic  teachings  make  disillusion  painful.  Hector 
voiced  the  noblest  aspiration  of  humanity  in  praying 
that  his  boy  might  be  wiser  and  braver  than  he  was, 
and  Elijah  once  prayed  for  death  because  he  was  no 
better  than  his  fathers.  Each  generation  should 
rejoice  in  seeing  its  successor  eliminating  defective 
teachings  and  enlarging  the  mental  horizon.  There  is 
probably  no  truth  to-day  so  absolute  that  it  should  be 
taught  without  the  implication  of  possible  later  modi- 
fications. When  an  attitude  of  receptivity  and  open- 
mindedness   is   imparted   along   with   statical   training 


AIM' LI  CATIONS    OF   SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY        263 

and  information,  human  mentality  will  grow  more 
susceptible  to  truth,  and  static  teachings  will  imper- 
ceptibly become  dynamic.  Civilization  traditionally 
begins  with  a  perfect  Eden  in  the  past,  but  it  works 
toward  a  Paradise  made  up  of  men  become  divine; 
it  begins  with  a  final  good,  but  it  tends  to  reach  toward 
an  ever  larger  truth. 

Just  as  the  steering-gear  of  a  steamer  is  useless  if 

there  is  no  steam  to  regulate,  so  there  can  be  no  social 

.  control  unless  there  be  something  to  control. 

This   something   in   societv   is   the   mass   of 

forces.  ° 

bodily  passions,  the  desires  of  the  human 
mind,  its  ambitions  and  its  demands.  In  a  weakling, 
these  are  feeble  and  there  is  nothing  worth  controlling. 
Such  a  person  is  moulded  by  his  environment  and  his 
companionship.  As  a  basis  for  effective  social  control, 
therefore,  it  is  vastly  important  that  powerful  social 
forces  surge  through  the  individuals  of  society.  An 
ascetic  contempt  for  the  joys  and  ambitions  of  life  is 
suicidal.  Men  must  wish  vigorously  and  work  mightily 
to  accomplish  their  desires.  Through  society  as  a 
whole  there  should  be  eager  longings  for  wealth,  for 
bodily  comfort,  for  the  satisfaction  of  conjugal  and 
parental  feelings,  for  altruistic  service,  for  a  realiza- 
tion of  ideals  of  morality  and  beauty,  and  for  a  con- 
ception of  the  essential  harmony  of  the  universe.  A 
society  lacking  these  is  inert,  contemptible,  and  des- 
tined to  extinction;  but  with  them,  though  there  is 
the  possibility  that  the  violence  of  its  ambitions  may 
work  its  destruction,  it  also  may  become  an  irresistible 
factor  for  progress. 


264  SOCIOLOGY 

It  is,   as  already  explained,   an  important  function 

of  society,  by  economic  and  educational  regulation,  to 

develop  these  social  forces  to  their  utmost. 

The  devel-  . 

opment  of     If  society  by  scientific  knowledge  and  mven- 

sociai  tion  banishes  disease,  builds  up  a  vigorous 

forces.  ,      .     ,  ,    . 

physical  race,  and  increases  economic  pro- 
duction and  food  supplies,  it  thereby  stimulates  the 
physical  energies  of  men,  so  essential  as  a  basis  for 
social  activity.  Then  if  a  wiser  educational  system 
would  teach  social  standards,  the  reasons  underlying 
law  and  morals,  and  the  ideals  of  cultural  civilization, 
as  stimuli  to  ambition,  these  forces  would  need  simply 
wise  social  guidance  and  information  as  to  the  best 
methods  for  the  accomplishment  of  ambitions.  Society, 
therefore,  instead  of  seeking  to  repress  social  forces  by 
restrictive  legislation  and  prohibitive  forms  of  morality, 
should  rather  encourage  the  strengthening  of  these 
forces,  and  should  devote  itself  to  the  study  of  wiser 
methods  of  regulation.  Celibacy,  for  instance,  in  place 
of  being  a  saintly  virtue  is  socially  a  sin;  the  love  of 
money  instead  of  being  the  root  of  all  evil  is  the  basis 
of  material  civilization.  Caesar  instead  of  being  mur- 
dered because  he  was  ambitious,  should  have  been 
encouraged  to  become  patriotically  ambitious.  Palissy, 
the  inventor,  instead  of  being  condemned  for  burning 
his  furniture  to  keep  up  the  heat  under  his  pottery, 
should  have  been  forgiven  had  he  used  his  neighbor's 
fence  also.  There  are  of  course  perverted  feelings  in 
society  that  demand  rigid  training  and  even  repression 
for  the  time,  but  such  instances  should  prove  fewer 
in  number  as  society  learns  wiser  control.     A  father 


APPLICATIONS   OF  SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY        265 

no  longer  has  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  his  wife 
and  children,  and  the  use  of  the  rod  is  passing  from 
home  and  school.  A  teacher  who  cannot  control  without 
the  threat  of  punishment  is  forced  to  find  another  occupa- 
tion. Society  begins  to  realize  that  there  arc  neces- 
sarily no  evil  passions,  if  normal  heredity  and  environ- 
ment are  supplemented  by  wise  parental  and  social 
control.  If,  however,  with  a  defective  physique  because 
of  malnutrition,  and  a  warped  mentality  because  of 
improper  training,  a  person  under  the  influence  of 
defective  companionship  acts  perversely,  the  blame 
should  be  charged  to  the  conditions  of  life,  and  without 
the  assumption  that  normal  persons  normally  trained 
need  the  same  sort  of  repressive  control. 

In  primitive  civilization  social  control  is  the  same 
for  all  persons  in  the  community,  and  rightly  so,  for 
Variations  a^  are  practically  alike  since  they  are  un- 
in  social  der  the  same  conditions  of  life.  But  when 
social  classes  arise,  and  differences  develop 
in  respect  to  heredity,  environment  and  education, 
there  must  be  corresponding  differences  in  the  qual- 
ity and  quantity  of  control;  those  of  highest  cultural 
attainment  needing  least,  and  those  needing  most 
who  are  lowest  in  the  scale  of  civilization.  This  dif- 
ference would  not  be  so  necessary  if  the  lower  social 
classes  were  expected  to  conform  only*to  standards 
suited  to  their  own  conditions  of  life,  but  unfortunately 
for  them  they  are,  as  a  rule,  expected  to  conform  to 
standards  of  a  higher  grade  of  civilization,  and  com- 
pliance becomes  well-nigh  impossible.  The  prevalence 
of  so  much  vice  and  crime  may  thus  be  partially  ex- 


266  SOCIOLOGY 

plained,  since  much  that  a  high  civilization  condemns 
would  meet  with  social  approbation  in  lower  civiliza- 
tion. Plainly,  therefore,  as  society  develops  a  wiser 
system  of  social  control  it  will  rely  less  and  less  on 
prohibitions  and  more  on  wise  suggestion  and  the 
presentation  of  high  ideals. 

The  real  stimulus  toward  the  attainment  of  ideals 
comes  when  men  are  inspired  with  the  hope  of  success. 
The  If  men  can  confidently  hope  to  attain  wealth, 

stimulus  social  standing,  honor  and  reputation,  social 
of  hope.  activity  is  assured.  Society  will  simply  need 
to  explain  its  regulations,  so  that  each  may  play  the 
game  fairly — with  disqualifications  for  foul  play.  It 
is  the  hopelessness  of  attaining  what  is  worth  while 
that  turns  many  aside  to  depraved  forms  of  activity. 
A  normal  person  loves  to  do  his  share  in  the  common 
life  and  to  feel  that  he  deserves  the  approbation  of 
his  fellows.  No  man  can  resist  public  opinion  definitely 
expressed.  At  the  worst  he  will,  if  under  public  con- 
demnation, join  himself  with  similar  outcasts  and  enjoy 
their  approbation. 

If  society  is  retrograding,  it  may  be  well,  as  in  the 
East,  to  advocate  passivity,  abnegation  and  fatalism; 
or  if  static,  to  urge  contentment  with  one's  lot;  but 
in  a  dynamic,  progressive  age,  boundless  wants  and 
ambitions  imffly  broader  achievement.  For  this  reason 
society  should  arouse  men  from  inactivity  by  stimu- 
lating and  multiplying  their  wants,  should  by  training 
and  regulation  guide  them  to  the  best  methods  of 
attaining  their  desires,  and  should  seek  ever  to  make 
the  agencies  for  social  control  more  effective,  having 


APPLICATIONS  OF  SOCIAL    PSYCHOLOGY        267 

as  an  ideal  human  beings  so  normal  in  heredity  and  so 
well  environed  and  trained,  that  their  desires  will 
harmonize  with  social  demands. 

On  several  occasions  attention  has  been  directed  to 
the  importance  for  progress  of  variation,  innovation, 
importance  gernus>  talent,  a  leisure  class  and  individual 
of  per-  initiative.     All  this   practically   amounts   to 

sonahty.  aR  emphasis  on  the  importance  of  vigor- 
ous personality.  Every  individual  has  a  personality 
peculiarly  his  own,  even  though  it  may  be  rather 
colorless.  But  there  is  a  personality  that  cannot  al- 
ways be  moulded  into  a  social  pattern;  it  erects  its 
own  standards,  crushes  opposition  and  creates  achieve- 
ment, whether  socially  beneficial  or  injurious.  There 
is  such  a  glamour  about  vigorous  personalities  that  public 
opinion  is  inclined  to  take  them  at  their  own  value,  to 
call  them  "supermen,"  and  to  place  in  their  hands 
social  destiny.  Yet  after  all  such  men  are  the  products 
of  heredity  and  environment  like  other  human  beings, 
and  probably  have  a  certain  amount  of  defectiveness 
in  their  natures,  and,  if  one  may  judge  of  history,  our 
supermen  have  done  possibly  as  much  harm  as  good. 

Since  science  is  not  yet  acquainted  with  the  laws  of 
heredity  sufficiently  to  be  able  to  foretell  the  birth  of  a 
The  devel-  genius>  nor  to  lay  down  the  laws  whereby 
opment  of  a  larger  number  of  these  may  be  produced, 
genms.  they  may  perhaps  be  left  out  of  account  as 
accidentals.  Yet  it  is  probable  that  if  society,  assum- 
ing much  latent  talent  and  genius  in  its  members, 
should  develop  proper  conditions  for  the  production  of 
genius,  it  would  get  the  benefit  of  a  great  additional 


268  SOCIOLOGY 

amount  of  capacity  and  would  probably  give  the  genius 
when  born  truer  ideals  of  action  and  a  deeper  insight 
into  social  needs  than  those  he  might  evolve  unaided. 
It  is  important  that  society  understand  that  genius  is  not 
superhuman.  The  genius  has  human  parentage  and 
grows  up  among  human  beings,  acquiring  from  them 
and  nature  every  particle  of  his  knowledge.  There  are 
geniuses  in  plant  and  animal  life  as  well  as  in  humanity, 
and  specialists  in  these  branches  are  becoming  expert 
in  multiplying  them.  From  the  sociological  stand- 
point the  essential  thing,  therefore,  is  not  to  wait  for 
the  coming  great  man,  the  new  Buddha,  with  the  ex- 
pectation of  bending  the  neck  to  his  yoke,  but  rather  to 
study  into  the  biological,  psychological,  and  sociological 
factors  that  unite  to  produce  genius,  and  then  to  de- 
velop these  factors  so  as  to  produce  genius  geometrically, 
instead  of  waiting  for  chance  to  bring  some  superman, 
as  likely  to  trample  down  civilization  as  to  upbuild  it. 
Fortunately  there  is  already  sufficient  scientific  knowl- 
edge existent  to  enable  society  to  make  a  start  in  this 
direction.  A  vigorous  stock  of  good  physique  and 
mentality  furnishes  the  basis  for  a  parentage  from  which 
capable  offspring  should  develop.  From  the  psycho- 
logical standpoint  it  is  then  necessary  by  a  wise  educa- 
tion of  the  feelings  to  develop  powerful  interests  which 
will  lead  to  a  varied  activity  or  by  concentration  to  a 
special  form  of  activity.  The  next  essential  is  that  the 
intellect  be  trained  to  observe,  to  concentrate  attention, 
to  relate  ideas  and  to  form  conclusions  readily.  Pref- 
erably these  intellectual  processes  should  be  trained  in 
connection  with  the  interests  aroused  through  the  feel- 


APPLICATIONS   OF   SOCIAL   PSYCHOLOGY        269 

ings,  so  that  the  mind  will  become  used  to  working  har- 
moniously. Lastly  should  come  the  stimulus  from  con- 
tact with  the  great  thoughts  of  the  time :  through  travel, 
intelligent  conversation,  reading  and  reflection,  or  by 
observation  of  human  life  with  its  vicissitudes,  its  aspi- 
rations and  its  toil.  As  society  through  social  control 
and  its  system  of  education  approximates  to  these  con- 
ditions, or  as  families  begin  to  surround  their  children 
with  incitements  to  right  development,  talent  and 
genius  will  be  multiplied  far  in  excess  of  the  crude 
methods  of  nature  unassisted  by  the  human  brain.1 

There  are  certain  results  arising  from  wiser  education 
that  sociologically   are   of  great   importance.     An  un- 
trained mind  is  prone  to  superstition,  to  un- 

In  ivid-  conscious  imitation  of  environment,  and  is 
uahty.  ' 

readily  influenced  by  foolish  fads  or  the  wild 

excitement  of  crowd  contagion.  Training,  however, 
gives  the  power  to  discriminate  between  the  true  and 
the  false,  to  be  moderate  in  fashion  in  spite  of  the  in- 
fluence of  social  contagion,  and,  when  passions  are 
aroused  by  the  frenzy  of  a  mob,  it  enables  one  to  call  the 
intellect  to  correct  the  illusions  aroused  by  deeply  stirred 
feelings.  Again  it  is  socially  important  that  an  indi- 
vidual be  able  to  make  wise  judgments  in  respect  to  his 
environment.  Naturally  each  person  remains  subject 
to  the  habits  of  early  environment,  and  becomes  static. 
But  a  mind  trained  to  make  comparisons  sees  possi- 
bilities of  improvement  in  other  environments,  and  de- 

1  For  a  discussion  of  genius,  with  references,  see  Ward's  "Applied 
Sociology,"  Part  II,  and  Havelock  Ellis,  "A  Study  of  British 
Genius." 


270  SOCIOLOGY 

liberately  selects  these  so  as  to  develop  higher  standards 
of  conduct.  In  this  way  he  imitates  consciously  what 
his  judgment  approves,  and  can  add  to  his  capacity  by 
assimilating  a  larger  knowledge  than  otherwise  would  be 
possible. 

But  all  this  is  merely  another  way  of  saying  that  the 
person  has  become  individualistic.  This  word  unfor- 
individuai-  tunately  is  often  used  to  mean  that  a  narrow- 
ism  a  social  minded  person  insists  on  his  -own  way  because 
necessity.      Q£  j^g  yery  ignorance>     Even  a  mule  has  that 

form  of  individualism.  But  the  truer  meaning  of  the 
term  implies  that  the  person  is  no  longer  influenced 
by  the  crowd,  or  by  the  prestige  of  a  great  man  or  an 
influential  class;  that  he  is  no  longer  the  creature  of 
his  natural  environment,  but  rather  that  his  mind  has 
made  for  itself  a  home  in  that  larger  world  of  thought, 
that  he  has  his  passions  under  the  guidance  of  a  well- 
informed  intellect,  and  works  consciously  toward  defi- 
nite purposes.  The  development  of  this  form  of  indi- 
viduality is  essential  to  true  social  development.  He 
will  best  support  social  order  who  understands  and  ap- 
proves it.  If  there  is  need  of  change  he  seeks  to  ac- 
complish this  with  law  and  plan,  carefully  reasoning  out 
methods  and  ends.  Knowing  himself,  he  respects  him- 
self and  has  a  pride  in  maintaining  his  reputation  and 
broadening  his  character.  Such  men  in  a  community 
steady  it,  aid  in  its  development,  and  amply  repay  the 
costs  of  general  education.  Society  should  increasingly 
seek  to  develop  this  type  of  citizenship  as  the  surest 
guaranty  of  social  prosperity.  From  it  will  come 
achievements    in    economic    and    civic    life.     Cultural 


APPLICATIONS   OF  SOCIAL  PSYCHOLOGY        271 

standards  will  broaden  under  its  influence,  and  the  man 
of  the  coming  century  will  be  prefigured:  forceful,  in- 
tellectual, of  keen  insight,  idealistic  in  temperament, 
toiling  for  higher  civilization.  Such  men  combine  in 
themselves  the  harmony  of  the  conflict  between  the 
static  and  the  dynamic.  They  represent  stability  with 
variability;  the}'  are  the  real  aristocracy,  the  elite  l  of 
society,  who  through  education  have  been  led  to  believe 
in  man  and  in  his  capacity  for  progress.  They  believe 
in  a  right  social  order,  but  also  believe  that  man's  reason 
should  dictate  the  spirit  of  social  organization.  In 
short,  they  are  neither  conservative  nor  radical,  but 
individuals  who  may  be  either  as  necessity  demands. 

1  For  a  discussion  of  this  term,  and  a  curious  suggestion,  viz.  the 
formation  of  an  international  society  of  the  elite,  see  "Theorie  de 
l'elite,"  par  Alfred  Pichou,  Revue  Internationale  de  Sociologie,  Aout- 
Septembre,  1906. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL  EVILS 

In  any  consideration  of  the  forward  movement  of 

civilization  one  is  impressed  by  the  fact  that  there  are 

in  society  many  conditions  that  unitedly  form 

Backward      a  serious  hindrance   to   progress.     This   dy- 

civilization.  r      °  ... 

namic  age  demands  great  adaptability  in 
social  institutions  and  human  mentality,  but  under 
static  conditions  both  manifest  a  rigidity  that  resists 
even  slight  changes.  Of  course  institutions  and  persons 
excessively  conservative  in  time  lose  their  importance, 
but  their  influence  retards  the  progress  of  the  whole  com- 
munity. If  civilization  were  throughout  telic,  it  would 
advance  evenly;  as  it  is,  however,  there  are  always 
backward  communities,  or  favorable  opportunities  not 
utilized,  to  impede  progress.  Every  country  has  sec- 
tions where  hopefulness  and  energy  abound,  and  sections 
where  stagnation  breeds  degeneration.  If  the  unpro- 
gressive  part  is  strong  enough  to  hold  back  the  pro- 
gressive, even  though  dynamic  conditions  are  favorable, 
a  nation  may  sink  from  its  rightful  place  among  states, 
to  be  ranked  as  backward  in  civilization.  So,  likewise, 
a  society  may  be  retarded  by  unwise  prohibitions,  un- 
scientific regulations,  and  by  its  inability  through  igno- 
rance to  see  the  best  methods  of  taking  advantage  of 

272 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  273 

opportunities.  There  is,  for  example,  no  inherent  reason 
why  society  should  permanently  be  depressed  by  a  great 
weight  of  vice,  crime,  pauperism  and  ignorance.  While 
these  hindrances  to  civilization  presumably  will  always 
exist  to  some  extent,  theoretically  if  society  would  use 
the  wisdom  already  existent  these  evils  should  be  steadily 
reduced  until  they  would  become  a  vanishing  quantity. 
In  place,  therefore,  of  pessimistically  lamenting  the  sins 
of  the  age,  society  should  seriously  set  about  the  problem 
of  removing  retarding  conditions;  a  task  by  no  means 
chimerical,  but  scientifically  possible. 

Every  one  knows  that  it  is  much  easier  to  tell 
what  should  have  been  done  than  to  explain  what 
Sociology  should  be  done.  It  is  comparatively  easy  to 
and  social  point  out  the  mistakes  of  earlier  generations, 
pro   ems.      j^  Qne  ^^  nQ^  ^e  same  assurance  when 

he  seeks  to  show  the  proper  solution  for  present-day 
problems.  The  reason  is  obvious  enough;  time  gives  a 
better  perspective,  wise  conclusions  in  regard  to  past 
policy  are  numerous,  and  partisan  considerations  no 
longer  tend  to  warp  the  judgment.  The  opposite  con- 
ditions exist  when  a  current  problem  is  pressing  for  solu- 
tion, and  the  wisest  person  may  in  consequence  err. 
Yet  if  sociology  is  simply  to  serve  as  a  final  judge  on 
the  past  and  not  to  be  of  real  assistance  in  present 
difficulty,  it  will  find  no  place  in  the  reading  of  the 
man  of  affairs.  It  is  essential,  therefore,  that  if  soci- 
ology has  within  itself  scientific  possibilities,  it  should 
throw  some  light  on  social  problems,  if  only  a  candle 
gleam,  and  should  work  forward  toward  the  time  when 
it  may  illumine  the  path  of  social  progress  by  its  telic 


274  SOCIOLOGY 

policies  and  by  its  scientific  forecasts  of  social  move- 
ments. It  cannot  probably  for  many  centuries  show  in 
detail  the  program  that  society  must  follow,  or  work 
out,  as  in  the  astronomer's  almanac,  exact  statements  in 
respect  to  social  phenomena;  but  it  should  soon  be  able 
to  show  the  significance  and  probable  consequence  of 
any  important  social  achievement,  and  to  suggest  in 
outline  the  principles  that  should  be  followed  in  order  to 
eliminate  an  evil  or  to  build  up  a  good.  For  there  are 
certain  conclusions  from  sociological  principles  that  may 
well  serve  as  guide  posts  as  to  the  probable  direction  in 
which  attention  should  be  turned,  in  order  to  under- 
stand the  significance  of  social  events.  For,  after  all,  a 
mere  knowledge  of  the  facts  of  history  is  unimportant, 
unless  one  is  able  to  see  the  law  of  causation  back  of 
them  all,  and  to  learn  wiser  policies  from  its  teachings. 
In  illustration  of  this  point  may  be  cited  well-known 
events  in  the  racial  and  economic  development  of  the 
United  States,  from  which  the  contrast  between  a  telic 
policy  and  one  that  grows  genetically  is  evident. 

So  far  as  racial  and  economic  conditions  were  con- 
cerned these  were  from  the  start  unquestionably  favor- 
able for  the  development  of  a  high  civiliza- 

Early  con-         .  .  ,  , 

ditions  in  tion.  The  colonies  started  their  national 
the  United  career  with  a  population  made  up  of  mem- 
bers of  a  dominant  fighting  race,  in  possession 
of  a  wide  and  fertile  territory  of  temperate  climate,  rich 
in  fuels  and  minerals,  and  environed  by  no  really  dan- 
gerous neighbors.  Traditions  of  civil  and  religious 
freedom  and  a  touching  confidence  in  the  efficacy  of 
education  as  a  social  panacea  were  prevalent.     Through 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  275 

war,  exploitation  and  purchase,  the  national  boundaries 
were  enlarged  from  sea  to  sea,  and  generous  provision 
was  made  by  land  grants  for  common  school  education. 
More  than  that,  government  stimulated  invention  by 
wise  patent  laws,  encouraged  manufacturers  by  a  tariff 
policy,  made  internal  commerce  free,  aided  the  develop- 
ment of  transportation  facilities  by  land  grants  and  state 
subsidies,  and  stimulated  agriculture  by  a  land  and 
homestead  policy.  Under  such  conditions  and  with  so 
wise  a  telic  policy  progress  was  natural,  aided  as  it  was 
by  the  growth  of  general  intelligence  and  democratic 
forms  of  government. 

But  there  is  a  genetic  aspect  also  in  our  development, 
when  forethought  was  lacking.  We  failed  to  under- 
Lack  of  stand  the  profound  social  changes  involved 
social  fore-  in  the  utilization  of  steam  and  electricity 
t  oug  t.  ag  p0wer^  ancj  m  tne  enormous  productive 
capacity  of  new  machinery.  When  Lancashire  cotton 
mills  using  steam,  for  example,  began  to  demand  cot- 
ton in  ever-increasing  quantity,  the  South,  with  its 
soil  suited  for  cotton,  and  the  cotton-gin  supplied  by 
Eli  Whitney,  lacked  only  labor  to  satisfy  the  demand. 
Then  if  ever  a  foresighted  policy  was  needed  so  as  to 
induce  the  immigration  of  European  agricultural  la- 
borers, and  to  stimulate  the  invention  of  improved 
machinery  suited  for  the  plantation.  A  telic  policy 
failing,  the  path  of  least  resistance  lay  in  the  direction  of 
the  illegal  importation  of  slaves  and  in  the  systematic 
breeding  of  a  negro  stock.  The  rigidity  of  a  constitu- 
tion, amended  with  too  great  difficulty,  prevented  a 
legislative  remedy,  and  in  consequence  there  came  a 


276  SOCIOLOGY 

century  of  strife,  a  civil  war,  and  a  permanent  negro 
problem.  Racially  speaking,  the  country  lost  a  million 
of  its  males  by  war  and  disease,  reduced  correspondingly 
the  proportion  of  its  native  stock,  and  has  one  eighth  of 
its  population  made  up  of  a  race  that,  however  capable 
it  may  prove  itself,  cannot  be  absorbed  by  amalgamation 
without  serious  danger  to  racial  vigor. 

A  similar  illustration  may  be  found  in  respect  to 
immigration.1  As  long  as  land  was  abundant  and 
The  problem  immigrants  were  Celtic  or  Teutonic,  there 
of  im-  was  the  wise  telic  policy  of  an  open  door 

migration.     an(j  eagy  natUralization.     When  an  influx  of 

immigration  from  the  Orient  threatened,  it  was  wisely 
barred  out  because  of  its  lower  standards  of  living 
and  the  impossibility  of  assimilation.  But  foresight 
failed  when  there  came  a  demand  for  unskilled  labor 
to  be  massed  at  industrial  centers.  Slight  attempts 
only  were  made  to  regulate  the  number  and  quality  of 
immigrants,  or  to  provide  suitable  agencies  for  their 
speedy  absorption  into  American  civilization.  The 
burden  of  this  was  thrown  on  the  public  schools,  which 
failed  for  the  most  part  to  meet  the  occasion,  since 
they  supplied  merely  rudimentary  knowledge  to  the 
children  and  rarely  any  training  for  adults.  Then  too 
by  mingling  the  races  in  the  schools  the  cultural  stand- 
ards of  the  native  stock  were  somewhat  lowered.  This 
influx  of  alien  population  of  inferior  civilization  has 
had  its  usual   consequences:    there  is   a  poorly  paid, 

1  For  numerous  references  on  these  subjects  see  R.  H.  Edwards. 
"Studies  in  American  Social  Conditions,"  Pamphlet  2  on  the 
Negro  Problem,  Pamphlet  3  on  Immigration. 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL  EVILS  277 

unskilled  proletariat,  steeped  in  misery,  and  abound- 
ing in  inevitable  vice  and  crime;  a  stratum  of  native 
stock  defeated  in  competition  because  of  their  com- 
petitors' lower  standards  of  living,  and  depressed  in 
general  morals;  another  stratum  of  native  stock  com- 
mitting race  suicide  so  as  to  maintain  high  social  stand- 
ards; and  a  middle  class  recruited  from  the  most 
energetic  of  the  alien  stock  and  intermarrying.  Fortu- 
nately the  evils  of  this  situation  are  not  necessarily  per- 
manent. A  telic  policy  may  strengthen  regulations  in 
respect  to  the  admission  and  naturalization  of  immi- 
grants ;  may  scatter  them  more  widely  over  the  country 
so  as  to  avoid  overcrowding  and  excessive  competition; 
may  develop  special  agencies  so  as  to  hasten  the  process 
of  Americanization;  and  by  better  education  may  push 
the  younger  generation,  at  least,  out  of  the  unskilled  into 
skilled  occupations. 1  Racial  amalgamation  between  these 
races  and  the  native  stock  is  inevitable  after  a  few  gen- 
erations, and  the  future  American  will  have  in  his  veins 
a  strong  infusion  of  Romance  and  Slavic  blood,  adding 
thereby  imaginative  qualities  to  the  somewhat  prosaic 
Anglo-Saxon  mind. 

In  the  economic  world,  had  the  natural  influence  of 
scientific  knowledge  on  invention  in  respect  to  produc- 
tion, transportation  and  labor,  been  foreseen, 
problems0  society  might  by  telically  devised  regulations 
at  the  beginnings  of  these  economic  move- 
ments, have  avoided  the  evils  of  monopolistic  tenden- 
cies, wild  speculation  in  necessities,  and  the  degradation 

'See  "Race  Improvement  in  the  United  States,"  Annals,  July, 
1909,  Philadelphia. 


278  SOCIOLOGY 

of  an  unskilled  proletariat  of  industrial  workers  only 
partly  checked  as  yet  by  child-labor  and  factory  legis- 
lation. The  development  of  corporations,  syndicates 
and  trusts,  is  another  illustration  of  a  genetic  growth 
hardly  retarded  by  telic  foresight,  which  so  far  has 
failed  to  regulate  what,  like  the  bottled  jinn  of  the 
Arabian  Nights,  was  easily  controllable  in  its  beginnings, 
but  now  has  become  giant-like  in  its  proportions.  Here 
again  a  static  constitution  in  a -dynamic  age  has  proved 
a  serious  impediment  to  a  proper  system  of  regulation. 
So  likewise  the  movement  of  population  toward  the 
city  might  have  been  studied  in  its  earlier  stages  and 
wiser  provisions  devised  for  the  government  and  health 
of  municipalities,  so  as  to  avoid  the  crime,  vice  and 
pauperism  so  largely  due  to  civic  ignorance.  Unques- 
tionably, also,  the  failure  of  cities  to  take  into  account 
the  growing  demand  for  breathing  spaces,  parks  and 
playgrounds,  and  a  scientifically  planned  system  of 
streets,  is  already  increasing  the  burden  -of  taxation. 
Here  again  forethought  when  land  was  cheap  would 
have  saved  much  later  expense. 

Even  our  system  of  general  education,  which  came 
as  the  result  of  telic  policy,  might  have  been  vastly 
The  prob-  improved,  with  untold  benefits  to  civiliza- 
lem  of  tion,    had    educational    systems     kept    pace 

education.     with  educational  knowledge.     Nearly  all   of 

our  great  educational  theories  were  devised  before  1850, 
and  throughout  the  nineteenth  century  many  model 
schemes  of  wiser  education  were  experimented  on,  from 
that  of  Robert  Owen  at  New  Lanark  to  the  Armour 
Institute  of  Technology  at  Chicago.     Education  has  not 


THIO    ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  279 

yet  met  the  expectation  of  early  enthusiasm  because  of 
the  incompetence  of  school  boards,  and  because  of  the 
excessive  conservatism  in  the  administrative  systems, 
and  in  the  training  of  teachers;  but  the  times  are  ripen- 
ing for  a  larger  education  that  will  advance  our  civiliza- 
tion far  beyond  its  present  attainment.  Society  is  de- 
manding that  the  people  generally  be  more  thoroughly 
instructed,  that  they  may  be  able  to  utilize  the  latest 
discoveries  of  science. 

It  is  needless  to  multiply  illustrations  of  this  sort, 
every  well-informed  person  can  readily  contrast  for  him- 
self the  economy  of  a  telic  policy,  and  the 
J1®.6   °,-a      waste  of  genetic  activity.1    There  are,  how- 

telic  policy.  °  J  ' 

ever,  certain  sociological  teachings  which, 
rightly  understood  and  applied,  may  aid  society  in  the 
formation  of  a  telic  policy  looking  toward  the  elimina- 
tion of  social  defects.  At  least  the  statement  of  these 
teachings  may  suggest  the  general  direction  in  which 
society  must  look,  if  it  would  lighten  its  present  heavy 
burden  of  taxation  and  misery. 

It  is  obvious,  for  instance,  that  a  courageous  opti- 
mism is  one  of  the  most  essential  qualifications  for  socio- 
logical  usefulness.     Pessimism   and  fatalism 
Socia    ope-  are  deadly  gjng    ancj  finc[  no  justification  in 

fulness.  .  .  . 

present  social  conditions.  Fatalism  is  the  at- 
titude of  the  savage,  the  creature  of  an  environment  he 
can  neither  understand  nor  control.     Pessimism  char- 

1  The  Pittsburgh  Survey  in  its  statement  of  conditions  well  illus- 
trates a  genetic  growth,  and  the  suggestions  of  experts,  a  telic 
policy.  See  Charities,  Jan.  2,  Feb.  6,  March  6,  1909.  The  Survey 
»f  June  5,  1909  (formerly  Charities),  is  devoted  to  a  civic  plan  for 
the  Boston  of  1915. 


280  SOCIOLOGY 

acterizes  those  who  only  understand  conditions  without 
knowing  remedies.  Civilization  gives  one  the  power 
both  to  comprehend  and  to  utilize  his  environment 
sufficiently  to  see  the  possibilities  of  future  achievement. 
Furthermore,  while  social  conditions  are  bad  enough  at 
present,  they  have  been  much  worse,  and  to-day  the  means 
of  improvement  are  at  hand.  In  place  of  despair  and 
apathy  sociology  urges  hopefulness  and  energy  because 
the  forward  movement  of  civilization  is  working  toward 
improvement  and  human  happiness.  For  this  reason 
it  is  idle  to  mourn  over  past  errors  and  present  deficien- 
cies. Real  humanity  is  shown  by  forgetting  the  past 
and  turning  resolutely  toward  improvement.  One  can 
dwell  on  the  sins  and  suffering  of  society  until  he  becomes 
morbid,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  he  can  trace  the  remark- 
able development  of  humanity  from  the  brute  to  the 
man,  and  see  the  steps  whereby  he  may  free  himself 
more  fully  from  the  bondage  of  hampering  conditions. 
The  first  essential,  therefore,  is  to  look  at  society  with 
hopeful  insight,  so  as  to  see  the  germ  of  better  things 
unfolding  into  a  happier  civilization. 

It  is  also  essential  to  think  of  social  energy  quite  as 
the  engineer  may  consider  the  power  in  his  engine, 
control  of  Understood  and  guided,  it  performs  useful 
social  work.     Uncontrolled    or    ignorantly    guided, 

energy.  -^  may  ^Q  unt0ld  damage.  Society  has 
inherited  from  earlier  centuries  a  notion  that  human 
passions  and  desires,  which  unitedly  make  up  social 
energy,  are  essentially  evil.  The  truer  view  is  that 
they  are  essentially  neither  good  nor  bad,  but  un- 
der  proper    conditions    tend    toward    goodness    since 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  281 

they  lead  men  on  to  activity  and  achievement.  A 
socially  wise  policy  is  not  to  suppress  or  weaken  these 
powerful  human  forces,  but  to  study  how  best  to 
strengthen  and  guide  them  into  useful  directions.  Social 
control  scientifically  applied,  and  general  intelligence 
through  right  education,  would  rid  society  of  much  of 
the  enormous  waste  of  social  energy,  now  perverted 
into  anti-social  directions  or  latent  because  of  lack  of 
proper  opportunity.  Social  forces  implicit  in  men's  de- 
sires and  ambitions,  should  be  studied  as  carefully  as 
the  physicist  studies  electricity;  and  social  Edisons 
must  show  how  society  may  utilize  these  forces  for  con- 
structive activity. 

Such  a  policy  necessitates  the  disappearance  of  tabu 
civilization,  and  a  movement  toward  higher  planes  of 
social  life  indicated  by  regulative  and  con- 
of'th^tabu  structive  stages  of  social  activity.  In  low 
civilization  life  is  made  up  of  fear  and  misery, 
relieved  by  occasional  moments  of  physical  pleasure. 
As  man  advances  in  civilization  his  nervous  system 
develops,  becomes  finer  and  more  acute,  until  we  have 
nature's  crowning  achievement,  the  human  brain.  But 
the  finer  the  nervous  system  the  greater  is  the  possi- 
bility of  pain,  so  that  a  highly  developed  human  being 
may  suffer  physically  and  mentally  far  more  acutely 
than  a  savage.  On  the  other  hand,  his  capacity  for  i 
enjoyment  is  correspondingly  increased,  and  the  happi- 
ness which  arises  from  the  satisfaction  of  cultural  or 
psychical  desires,  becomes  a  permanent  possession 
through  the  memory.  A  highly  developed  person,  too, 
through  scientific  knowledge  knows  how  to  avoid  many 


282  SOCIOLOGY 

pains  and  also  how  to  enlarge  the  scope  of  his  happiness 
by  social  and  cultural  enjoyment,  permanent  and  ele- 
vating in  its  nature.  In  consequence  mankind  is  pass- 
ing from  an  age  of  pain  into  an  age  of  happiness.  Man 
is,  in  a  word,  progressing  from  a  system  of  social  pro- 
hibitions to  a  system  of  inducements  to  activity  and 
suggestions  offered  by  the  capable  as  to  the  best  meth- 
ods of  attaining  ambitions.  In  place  of  forced  labor 
and  compulsory  education  will  come  a  love  of  exertion 
and  a  joy  in  adding  to  one's  knowledge.  Such  a  cri- 
terion is  a  real  test  of  civilization,  enabling  one  to  decide 
whether  a  suggested  policy  is  in  the  line  of  progress 
or  is  a  return  to  the  inferior  methods  of  low  civiliza- 
tion. 

Again,  civilization  strengthens,  not  weakens  man's 
physical  and  psychical  nature.  One  often  hears  that 
civilization  civilisation  develops  a  type  of  man  aged  at 
is  con-  forty  and  a  nervous  wreck  at  fifty.     This  of 

structive.  course  js  not  true  civilization,  but  a  civiliza- 
tion in  which  social  energy  has  been  highly  stimu- 
lated without  being  regulated  by  scientific  knowledge, 
nor  directed  into  the  most  useful  channels  by  right  edu- 
cation. Energy  is  too  often  centered  on  a  single  line 
of  activity  and  needs  to  be  switched  off  into  many-sided 
interests.  High  civilization  should  be  the  human  aspect 
of  the  principle  of  the  survival  of  the  fit.  Social  environ- 
ment should  be  so  adjusted  that  those  who  best  adapt 
themselves  to  it  and  survive  will  be  the  best  types  of 
humanity.  In  piracy  he  who  can  rob  most  successfully 
and  murder  with  the  least  compunction  is  suited  to  the 
environment  and  survives  as  leader.     In  a  vicious  slum 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  283 

the  thief,  the  tough  and  the  harlot  are  fittest  to  survive 
under  the  conditions,  and  the  moral  man  or  woman  is 
unfit.  In  the  field  of  poorly  paid  labor  he  who  can  toil 
longest  and  hardest  for  the  least  wage  survives.  Yet  in 
no  one  of  these  three  cases  of  survival  is  humanity  ex- 
alted. Society  must  itself  develop  for  its  citizens  an 
environment  that  will  call  out  the  strongest  and  best  in 
them  and  that  will  slowly  eliminate  weakness  of  all 
sorts,  and  incapacity  for  high  civilization.  Thus  the 
wisdom  of  a  social  policy  may  also  be  tested  by  noting 
whether  a  suggested  reform  would  tend  to  build  up  or 
destro}r  physical  and  cultural  capacity.  Nature  elimi- 
nates by  savage  extermination  and  endless  suffering. 
Social  elimination,  as  it  becomes  perfect,  will  be  accom- 
plished by  making  the  weak  strong.  It  will  take  pre- 
cautions that  there  be  no  needless  multiplication  of  the 
weak,  and  see  to  it  that  the  strong  are  not  weakened  by 
conditions  of  environment.  Since  high  civilization  de- 
pends on  strong  individualities  for  its  continuance,  its 
conscious  aim  is  always  to  build  up  in  the  weak,  if  pos- 
sible, strong  bodies  and  powerful  minds.  Whatever, 
therefore,  weakens  in  our  present  civilization  is  socially 
evil,  since  social  goodness  implies  social  capacity  and 
strength. 

It  thus  becomes  evident  that  sociology  resists  a 
teaching  which  fixes  attention  on  the  individual  to  the 
exclusion  of  his  environment.  The,  corre- 
leadershi  sponding  error  in  concentrating  attention  on 
the  environment  to  the  neglect  of  the  indi- 
vidual is  a  far  safer  blunder.  Attention  given  to  indi- 
viduals to  the  neglect  of  environment  may  result  in  the 


284  SOCIOLOGY 

saving  of  the  elect,  but  in  the  damnation  of  the  many. 
Emphasis  on  improvement  of  social  environment  will 
result  in  raising  the  mass,  at  the  expense  of  the  exalta- 
tion of  the  predatory  few.  But  sociology  would  em- 
phasize as  a  social  fundamental  that  environment  which 
would  call  to  the  front  its  best  citizens  and  stimulate 
them  by  placing  in  their  hands  opportunities  for  social 
service.  The  process  of  socialization  is  difficult  and  con- 
trary to  crude  human  nature.  Society  must  build  up 
through  social  control  and  education  a  type  of  mind  that 
will  become  individualistic  through  social  service.  He 
who  would  rule  must  first  obey ;  whoever  aspires  to  lead- 
ership must  first  be  a  slave.  Social  leadership  must  be 
based  on  a  comprehension  of  social  needs  and  a  willing- 
ness to  serve  them.  Men  become  socialized  as  they 
cease  to  war  against  society,  or  to  fight  for  a  narrow 
interest  as  against  a  greater,  and  as  they  acquire  a  keener 
insight  into  the  essential  harmony  of  personal  and  social 
interests.1 

Sociology,  in  looking  forward  hopefully  to  the  gradual 
elimination  of  social  degeneracy,  is  conscious  that  no 
Elimination  immediate  solution  of  the  problem  is  possible, 
of  social        even  while  it  insists  on  the  actual  initiation 

weakness.  Q£  &  ^^c  p0JjCy  for  ^hat  en(J  jn  social  activ- 
ity. Skill  comes  through  practice,  and  society  should 
use  what  knowledge  it  already  has,  learning  to  im- 
prove it  by  later  experience  and  reflection.     The  essen- 

1  For  a  careful  study  of  movements  looking  toward  "industrial 
betterment,"  see  Wm.  H.  Tolman's  "Social  Engineering,"  "A 
record  of  things  done  by  American  Industrialists  employing  up- 
ward of  one  and  one-half  million  of  people." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  285 

tial  thing  is  that  society  should  become  confident  of 
ultimate  success.  Religion  teaches  of  a  good  time  com- 
ing when  justice  and  peace  shall  prevail;  Utopians  have 
regularly  assumed  the  banishment  of  social  evils  from 
their  ideal  commonwealths;  and  science  is  now  pre- 
pared to  cooperate  with  sociological  philosophers  and 
prophets  in  perfecting  the  means  toward  that  end.  Un- 
fortunately the  man  of  the  street  is  more  inclined  to 
assume  that  social  vice  and  evil  are  permanent  phe- 
nomena, the  price  of  existence  and  civilization.  Indeed 
there  are  persons  who  would  extinguish  them  by  the 
radical  remedy  of  reducing  civilization  to  its  lowest 
terms.1  A  return  to  primitive  conditions  and  the  simple 
life  would  probably  banish  the  largest  part  of  social 
degeneration,  but  human  nature  on  the  whole  prefers 
the  present  with  its  evils  to  the  Arcadian  bliss  of  Rous- 
seau's state  of  nature.  Many  of  the  evils  to  which 
society  is  subject  are  really  due  to  social  progress.  Had 
man  remained  a  savage  without  achievement,  there 
would  be  no  social  evils  of  which  to  complain.  There 
would  be  physical  pain,  but  man  would  neither  have 
the  wit  to  comprehend  his  own  wretchedness  nor  ca- 
pacity to  add  other  evils  than  nature's  to  his  portion. 
Social  evils  arise  because  the  intellect  of  man  enables 
him  to  pander  to  bodily  appetites  and  to  further  his 
selfish  interests.  Yet  the  remedy  should  be  sought  in 
greater  intelligence,  not  by  reversion  to  primitive  stu- 
pidity. The  evils  developed  by  an  imperfect  civiliza- 
tion should  disappear  with  greater  knowledge,  just  as 

1  Note,  for  example,  that  attractive  volume  of  Edward  Carpen- 
ter's, "Civilization,  Its  Cause  and  Cure." 


286  SOCIOLOGY 

the   physical   diseases  of  urban  life   will  banish   with 
progress  in  biological  science. 

In  the  following  pages  tentative  suggestions  will  be 
made  in  respect  to  sociological  methods  of  attacking 
social  evils.  All  would  agree  that  among  these  should 
be  classed  ignorance,  exploitation,  pauperism,  crime, 
sexual  immorality  and  intemperance.  Each  of  these 
will  briefly  be  examined  in  turn,  and  attention  called 
to  possible  methods  looking  toward  their  elimination. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  ELIMINATION   OF  SOCIAL  EVILS 

(Continued) 

I.    Ignorance 

In  the  beginnings  of  civilization  there  were  practi- 
cally no  ignorant  persons  in  the  community.     The  in- 
evitable   differences    in    individual    amounts 
ignorance       ^  j^nowiec{o-e  were  slight,  as  the  little  knowl- 

is  relative.  °  °      ' 

edge  existent  was  simple,  comprehensible  and 
open  to  all.  But  as  the  total  amount  of  knowledge 
increased,  as  skill  in  the  arts  developed,  and  men  began 
to  philosophize  about  nature  and  its  manifestations  of 
energy,  it  became  less  and  less  possible  for  one  person 
to  master  the  knowledge  unitedly  held  by  the  mem- 
bers of  society,  so  that  each  individual  acquired  merely 
that  part  of  it  needed  for  his  special  purposes.  When 
theoretical  knowledge  beca'me  important  through  the 
growth  of  a  leisure  class  devoted  to  reflection,  this  knowl- 
edge became  professional  and  was  the  privilege  of  the 
few.  Naturally,  therefore,  as  knowledge  increased,  it 
passed  into  the  possession  of  specialized  industries  and 
professions,  and  each  person  acquired  for  himself  only 
what  he  needed  for  use.  In  addition  to  this  each  per- 
son acquired  some  general  knowledge  from  his  social 
environment,  varying  in  amount  according  to  his  men- 
tal capacity  and  the  breadth  of  his  environment.     In 

287 


288  SOCIOLOGY 

later  centuries  this  general  knowledge,  definitely  im- 
parted as  cultural  information,  makes  up  a  large  part 
of  education.  Again,  as  democracy  gains  ground,  it  is 
deemed  essential  that  each  person  be  trained  in  civic 
knowledge,  in  order  that  he  may  become  a  more  useful 
citizen.  As  still  broader  theories  of  self-development 
gain  foothold  within  society,  a  person  may  be  given  in- 
creasingly greater  educational  opportunities  in  order 
that  he  may  telically  build  up  his  body  and  mind,  and 
acquire  a  deeper  insight  into  human  problems.  Every 
normal  person,  therefore,  in  a  well-organized  society, 
will  obtain  knowledge  of  his  business,  some  knowledge 
for  general  social  and  civic  purposes,  and  perhaps  some 
also  for  purposes  of  mental  enlargement. 

Now  in  static  civilization  with  its  fixed  institutions 
and  occupations,  the  average  person  acquires  the  knowl- 
ignorance  a  e<^Se  needed  for  his  sphere  of  life,  and  tech- 
social  nically  is  well  informed  even  though  he  may 
an  icap.  nQ^  ^yq  the  general  knowledge  possessed 
by  the  community.  In  this  sense  one  may  speak  of 
a  laborer,  a  mechanic  or  a  merchant  as  educated, 
if  he  understands  his  owft  business.  But  in  a  dy- 
namic age,  especially  if  it  is  also  democratic,  a  new 
distinction  creeps  in.  Men  move  into  a  larger  circle 
than  that  about  their  own  occupations;  they  are  part 
of  a  complex  civic  and  social  organization;  enterpris- 
ing members  are  moving  upward  and  the  unenterpris- 
ing downward.  Hence  the  person  who  acquires  the 
larger  general  civic  and  cultural  knowledge  becomes, 
other  things  being  equal,  more  suited  to  the  conditions 
of  life  and  is  educated,  as  against  another  who  is  igno- 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF  SOCIAL   EVILS  289 

rant  because  he  failed  for  some  reason  to  attain  this 
larger  knowledge.  Again,  as  the  person  educated  is 
presumably  fit  for  the  higher  demands  of  society,  he 
is  commended;  but  his  fellow  who  failed  to  make  a 
similar  attainment  is  condemned  because  he  is  not  ca- 
pable of  satisfying  those  demands.  Furthermore,  the 
ignorant,  being  unfit  for  higher  demands,  are,  according 
to  the  Darwinian  explanation,  in  process  of  elimina- 
tion. They  receive  accordingly  a  wretched  wage,  are 
poorly  housed,  are  victims  of  disease,  and  fail  to  guide 
their  children  intelligently  in  so  complex  a  civilization. 
Ignorance,  therefore,  becomes  a  matter  of  real  impor- 
tance to  society;  in  the  one  case  the  individual  is  forced 
into  conditions  that  push  always  toward  ultimate  ex- 
termination; and  in  the  other,  society  becomes  bur- 
dened with  an  ever-increasing  dead  weight  of  apathetic 
humanity. 

Now  if  ignorance,  incapacity  and  viciousness  meant 
the  same  thing,  society  should  for  its  own  sake  hasten 
Social  policy  nature's  methods  and  free  itself  from  this 
toward  unendurable  load  as  soon  as  possible;  but 
ignorance.  -^  Qn  ^  q^qy  hand,  incapacity  and  vicious- 
ness are  largely  due  to  ignorance,  and  ignorance  is 
remediable,  then  social  policy  should  aim  to  banish 
ignorance,  at  least  in  its  worst  forms.  This  is  the 
policy  definitely  adopted  in  democracies,  which  for 
freedom's  sake  banish  censorship  over  speech  and 
thought  and  make  all  knowledge  accessible  through 
the  press.  Society  has  turned  with  telic  purpose  toward 
education,  and  is  bent  on  making  ignorance  an  impos- 
sibility.    Recognizing  that  individuals,  as  such,  cannot 


290  SOCIOLOGY 

under  the  conditions  of  life  be  depended  on  to  become 
widely  intelligent,  the  state  is  committed  throughout 
western  civilization  to  a  policy  of  general  compulsory 
education.  The  chief  difficulty  heretofore  has  been  to 
decide  how  best  to  banish  the  worst  forms  of  ignorance. 
At  first  it  was  assumed  that  a  knowledge  of  language 
and  arithmetic  were  sufficient,  on  the  naive  assumption 
that  a  person  equipped  with  these  would  obtain  other 
knowledge  also.  This  theory  is  rapidly  disappearing 
through  disappointment  at  results.  The  movement 
now  is  to  furnish  increasingly  broader  knowledge;  and 
the  surest  prophecy  a  sociologist  can  make  is  that  a 
progressive  society  must  devote  itself  more  and  more  to 
education,  enlarging  the  "school  population,"  and  rely- 
ing increasingly  for  social  progress  on  the  quality  of 
education  given  to  its  members.  Society,  therefore, 
through  books,  magazines  and  newspapers,  through  lec- 
tures and  cultural  institutions  and  associations  of  all 
sorts,  as  well  as  through  school  and  family,  is  devoting 
itself  to  the  task  of  giving  to  its  citizens  industrial  and 
technical  instruction,  knowledge  of  civic  duties,  a  scien- 
tific comprehension  of  the  simple  principles  of  hygiene, 
sanitation  and  dietetics,  and  opportunities  to  acquire 
the  elements  of  cultural  knowledge.  Formidable  as  this 
list  of  knowledge  may  seem,  it  easily  can  become  a 
common  possession,  and  in  many  communities  wider 
education  of  this  sort  is  already  a  matter  of  course.  It 
remains  for  society  to  systematize  and  enlarge  this 
knowledge,  and  to  insist  that  every  person  be  given 
the  opportunity,  in  fact  as  well  as  in  theory,  to  get  a 
vigorous  grasp  of  the  knowledge  society  has  acquired 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  291 

from  past   generations    and  is    increasing  by  its  own 
efforts. 

It  is  of  course  an  error  to  assume  that  if  such  an  edu- 
cational system  were  in  thorough  working  order,  social 
evils  would  thereby  be  eliminated.  Economic  condi- 
tions are  also  a  determining  factor  in  social  life,  and 
in  some  respects  the  most  powerful.  But  if  good  eco- 
nomic conditions  are  supplemented  by  a  real  education, 
made  general,  one  would  not  be  rash  in  arguing  that 
the  basis  for  a  right  civilization  at  last  existed,  and 
that  from  henceforth  the  evils  in  social  life  would  grad- 
ually disappear. 

II.  Exploitation 

The  Darwinian  principle  of  natural  selection  has  made 
men  familiar  with  the  fact  that  exploitation  is  a  uni- 
versal principle.     In  its  simple  meaning  the 
Natural  ex-   worcj  js  a  synonym  for  utilization,   but   in 

ploitation.  ^  j 

its  more  common  recent  meaning  it  implies 
utilization  for  selfish  or  illegitimate  purposes.  This 
might  take  place  in  almost  any  social  activity,  but  as 
it  is  found  chiefly  in  economic  life,  attention  will  be 
devoted  solely  to  that  form  of  exploitation.  One  might 
poetically  think  of  the  sun  or  the  earth  as  exploiting 
smaller  bodies  that  come  within  the  circle  of  attraction; 
or  of  a  plant  as  exploiting  the  soil  and  the  air;  or  of 
an  animal  as  exploiting  plants  or  other  animals  as 
food.  When  men  first  exploited  their  fellows  in  canni- 
balism, they  were  like  animals,  and  felt  no  moral  tur- 
pitude as  they  murdered  their  victims  and  consumed 
their  bodies  as  food.     Indeed,  when  cannibalism  came 


292  SOCIOLOGY 

within  the  realm  of  morals,  it  was  as  a  commendable 
act  involving  additional  social  prestige.  Yet  as  social- 
ization developed,  cannibalism  became  evil,  so  that  men 
to-day  shudder  at  the  very  thought  of  using  a  human 
body  as  food.  In  the  same  way  piracy,  highway  rob- 
bery and  slaveholding,  the  second  historic  form  of 
human  exploitation,  have  ceased  to  be  honorable  occu- 
pations. Slave-hunting  was  a  socially  approved  occu- 
pation in  advanced  civilization  almost  to  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  slaveholding  was  the  mark  of  aristocracy 
in  the  South  down  to  the  Civil  War.  It  is  a  question 
whether  even  yet  the  human  conscience  is  really  opposed 
to  slavery  itself,  and  not  rather  to  certain  aspects  of 
it,  as,  for  example,  the  market,  the  auction  block  and 
the  compulsory  dissolution  of  family  ties.  Still  no  one 
doubts  that  this  form  of  exploitation  and  its  half  sisters, 
serfdom  and  peonage,  are  destined  to  disappear  before 
the  developing  humanitarianism  of  the  age. 

In  passing  from  cannibalism  to  slavery  and  to  serf- 
dom and  peonage,  the  movement  was  from  an  exploi- 
tation for  food  purposes  to  exploitation  for 
xp  oitation  economjc  profit.     The  real  question  involved 

for  profit.  r  ^ 

was,  which  system  on  the  whole  is*  more 
profitable;  so  that  the  movement  from  slavery  to 
emancipation  the  world  over  is  economic  as  well  as 
sentimental.  One  may  feel  fairly  sure  that  slavery 
would  not  have  become  serfdom  or  peonage,  nor  would 
this  have  developed  into  a  wage  system,  unless  society 
as  a  whole,  in  Europe  and  in  the  Americas,  had  found 
it  economically  worth  while  to  make  the  change.  Slav- 
ery would  in  any  case  have  disappeared  from  the  South 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  293 

in  time,  had  it  not  been  forced  out  by  war,  just  as  serf- 
dom died  out  in  Europe  and  slavery  passed  into  peon- 
age in  many  parts  of  Latin  America. 

If  this  be  admitted,  it  is  evident  that  even  when 
the  wage  system  with  nominal  freedom  superseded 
Exploitation  ^ne  °lder  forms  of  economic  servitude,  the 
of  the  spirit   of  exploitation    remained    unchanged, 

but  manifested  itself  through  slightly  differ- 
ent machinery.  The  reason  for  this  is  clear:  exploita- 
tion of  one's  fellows  is  a  natural  process.  All  nature 
exploits,  as  already  explained;  natural  selection  and 
genetic  human  history  are  one  long  series  of  exploita- 
tions. When  a  leisure  class  made  up  of  nobility  and 
professional  classes  developed,  its  members  naturally 
assumed  that  they  were  to  be  supported  by  the  masses, 
just  as  in  Plato's  "Republic"  he  assumes  as  a  matter 
of  course  that  the  intelligent  citizens  are  to  be  supported 
by  the  rest  of  the  population,  arguing,  as  did  Aristotle  1 
when  he  classified  slaves  among  farm  implements  along 
with  cattle,  and  declared  that  mechanics  and  trades- 
men are  incapable  of  virtue  since  they  lack  under- 
standing. As  long  as  one  class  of  people  is  convinced 
that  it  is  superior  to  another  through  birth,  the  pos- 
session of  wealth  or  intelligence,  the  natural  tendency 
is  toward  exploitation;  and  under  natural  conditions 
the  stronger  will  prey  on  the  weaker,  taking  whenever 
profit  is  at  stake,  all  possible  advantage  of  weakness. 
This  is  natural  law  and  natural  tendency,  and  from  the 
standpoint  of  genetic  development  it  is  right.  Hence 
in  any  system  of  natural  ethics  one  cannot  but  argue 

!In  his  "Politics." 


294  SOCIOLOGY 

with  the  individualist  in  favor  of  a  dominant  race,  a 
great  state,  a  superior  class,  a  superman.  Might  is 
right,  and  the  god  of  nature  is  regularly  on  the  side  of 
the  heaviest  cannon.  The  sword  of  Brennus  deter- 
mines the  amount  of  ransom,  and  Bismarck's,  "great- 
est possible  weight  of  blood  and  iron,"  and  the  "might 
which  antedates  right,"  agree  with  Machiavelli  in  pro- 
claiming the  true  basis  of  the  moral  law  of  nature. 

Yet  the  thoughtful  part  of  mankind  has  never  rested 
satisfied  with  a  system  of  exploitation.  First  kinship 
Restraints  softened  its  sternness  by  inculcating  sym- 
on  ex-  pathy  within  the  kin;    then  Stoicism  came 

p  oitation.     wj^|1  jj.g  Cachings  0f  an  eternal  justice  and 

a  world  humanity,  while  Buddhism  in  the  East,  and 
Christianity  in  the  West,  advocated  an  ideal  of  human 
brotherhood.  On  these  foundations  society  has,  in 
opposition  to  natural  morals,  adopted  a  telic  ethical 
policy,  and  demands  that  men  base  their  dealings 
on  humanitarian  principles;  and  religion  goes  even 
farther  by  insisting  that  special  assistance  be  given  to 
the  weaker  members  of  society.  Unfortunately,  in  prac- 
tice this  ideal  is  far  from  realization.  The  principle  of 
humanitarianism  is  contrary  to  the  natural  disposition 
of  man.  Society  by  moral  injunction  and  by  law  seeks 
to  enforce  its  standards,  but  has  failed  to  educate  the 
average  man  to  respect  them.  Hence  the  natural  man, 
relying  on  his  power  of  wealth  or  position,  calmly 
ignores  or  evades  the  law,  complying,  perhaps,  with  the 
letter  of  it  while  violating  its  spirit.  This  is  shown  in 
"high  finance,"  in  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor, 
in  the  moral  standards  of  buying  and  selling,  in  the 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  295 

relations  of  skilled  and  union  labor  to  unskilled  and 
non-union  labor,  and  generally  in  a  system  that  per- 
mits the  burden  and  misery  of  society  to  fall  to  the  lot 
of  those  least  able  to  shift  it. 

Such  abuses  are  inevitable  as  long  as  there  is  igno- 
rance of  social  conditions  and  a  general  apathy  in  respect 
to  social  aims.     Nothing  under  present  con- 
interest  in    c|jtjons  j^  broader  education  and  class  strug- 

social  aims.  ° 

gles  will  bring  about  a  change.  It  is  no  easy 
task  to  transform  men's  natures.  Religion  alone  can- 
not do  it,  nor  a  legal  system  unsupported  by  public 
opinion.  While  class  struggle  is  therefore  inevitable, 
wiser  education  would  soften  its  bitterness  and  place 
it  on  the  higher  plane  of  arbitration  and  compromise. 
Our  legal  system  with  its  procedure  is  "fearfully  and 
wonderfully  made,"  and  must  be  simplified  when  law- 
yers become  jurists,  and  legislators,  statesmen.  Mean- 
while racial  experience  shows  that  when  education 
enables  men  to  see  their  desires  clearly,  society  will 
proceed  to  eliminate  exploitation  according  to  the  three 
natural  stages  of  action,1  exemplified  in  statute  books: 
first,  the  meaner  forms  of  exploitation,  e.  g.  cheating 
and  swindling,  should  be  sternly  repressed  by  speedy 
and  suitable  punishment,  so  as  to  eliminate  from  the 
modern  economic  world  persons  whose  morals  belong 
too  far  back  in  civilization  to  entitle  them  to  a  place 
there;  secondly,  persons  of  average  morality,  who  in 
business  dealings  incline  in  either  an  honorable  or  dis- 
honorable direction,  according  to  environment,  should 
be  carefully  regulated  by  law,  and  stimulated  by  public 

1  See  page  147. 


296  SOCIOLOGY 

opinion  to  conduct  their  economic  activities  in  harmony 
with  the  newer  moral  standards;  and  thirdly,  the  real 
emphasis  should  as  rapidly  as  possible  be  placed  on  the 
sociological  principle  that  men  must  be  led  by  their 
own  interests  to  conform  to  high  standards  of  honor. 
This  is  the  trend  at  the  present  time,  and  examples 
immediately  occur  to  one,  showing  how  eager  persons 
are  becoming  to  satisfy  higher  demands  for  fair  dealing 
in  business.  The  state  might  well  set  the  example  by 
making  three  fundamental  alterations:  by  a  thorough 
readjustment  of  its  system  of  taxation,  which  under 
present  conditions  is  an  excellent  illustration  of  exploi- 
tation under  the  form  of  law;  by  a  vigorous  reorganiza- 
tion of  its  civil  and  criminal  law,  which  at  present  allows 
great  scope  for  exploitation;  and  by  a  revision  of  its 
system  of  public  education,  which  sends  forth  into  eco- 
nomic life  four-fifths  of  its  toilers  trained  only  to  become 
fit  subjects  for  exploitation  because  of  ignorance.  If 
these  three  fundamental  departments  were  overhauled 
by  the  state,  other  changes,  now  slowly  developing, 
would  much  sooner  become  vigorous  and  dominant. 

The  present  tendency  is  to  regard  parasitism  in  all  of 

its  forms  as  socially  wrong.     Men  are  born  to  labor,  and 

neither  man  nor  woman  should  assume  that 

Social  para-  ^e  Qr  ^  -g  j      right  of  birth  or  inheritance 

sitism.  J       ° 

free  from  social  obligation.  If  any  will  not 
work,  neither  let  him  eat,"  l  is  a  social  principle  that  is 
becoming  a  democratic  ideal.  When  millionaires'  sons 
begin  to  don  overalls,  and  their  daughters  to  prepare 
for  vocations,  it  needs  no  prophet  to  foresee  the  time 

1 II  Thessalonians  iii,  10,  revised  version. 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL  EVILS  297 

when  parasitism  will  become  unpopular  and  labor  hon 
orable. 

In  this  same  spirit  is  the  modern  movement  to  arouse 
the  employees'  interest  in  their  work,  so  as  to  substi- 
tute for  a  mechanical  and  clock- watching  slav- 
u°lty  °  ery,  the  joy  in  work  and  product  for  which 
William  Morris  stood.  On  the  other  hand 
should  be  noted  the  reciprocal  acknowledgments  of 
employers  that  employees  are  not  merely  hands,  but 
heads  and  hearts  besides,  vitally  interested  in  the  busi- 
ness, and  that  their  special  interests  should  be  consulted 
as  a  matter  of  self-interest.  Finally  should  be  observed 
the  present  leanings  toward  another  ideal  of  economic 
organization,  in  which  sharp  distinctions  between  mas- 
ter and  man  will  disappear,  as  both  see  themselves 
laboring  for  common  ends  and  joint  interests,  and 
mutual  trust  succeeds  suspicion  and  exploitation.  There 
are  already  in  the  economic  world  many  illustrations 
of  such  relationships,  where  all  employees  work  "on 
honor,"  and  are  kept  keyed  by  the  tone  of  public 
opinion  in  the  shop  or  the  factory. 

It  is  no  easy  task  to  prevent  men  from  exploiting  their 
fellows,  and  should  the  time  ever  come  when  through 
telic  policy  men  recognize  their  kinship,  fostering  their 
weaker  brothers,  society  may  well  claim  that  as  its 
crowning  achievement.  In  that  happier  time  men 
will  still  exploit,  but  the  word  will  have  lost  its 
secondary  meaning,  and  will  resume  its  older  definition 
of  utilization;  nature  and  human  capacity  will  be 
exploited  by  man  to  build  up  the  larger  interests  of 
humanity. 


298  SOCIOLOGY 

III.  Pauperism 

The  discussion  of  the  two  previous  topics  naturally 
suggests  the  sociological  treatment  of  the  present  sub- 
ject. An  appreciation  of  the  significance  of  economic 
and  educational  remedies  is  fundamental  to  any  socio- 
logical understanding  of  society's  great  defects.  This 
is  more  evident  in  the  case  of  pauperism  than  in  crime 
or  vice,  for  the  connection  between  poverty  and  igno- 
rance is  obvious. 

In  primitive  conditions  naturally  there  was  no  pau- 
perism, and  poverty  was  honorable  since  all  were  poor. 
Property  was  communal  and  private  wealth 
Poverty  an    ^  no^.  exjs^      Private  property  in  foods  and 

pauperism.  . 

land,  civil  law  guarantying  and  regulating 
property  rights,  and  the  rise  of  a  leisure  exploiting  class, 
are  the  three  agencies  that  brought  the  problems  of 
poverty  and  pauperism  into  the  world.  Properly  speak- 
ing, poverty  is  a  relative  term  and  exists  only  by  com- 
parison with  higher  standards.  A  millionaire  is  poor  to 
a  multi-millionaire,  and  a  man  of  moderate  salary  is 
wealthy  to  a  low-wage  earner.  Socially  speaking,  pov- 
erty exists  when  the  annual  income  is  near  or  below 
the  usual  social  standards  of  common  comfort  and 
decency,  and  pauperism  exists  when  persons  need  regu- 
larly to  have  their  earnings  or  incomes  eked  out  by 
public  or  private  doles.  Pauperism,  therefore,  may 
exist  in  wealthy  circles  as  well  as  at  the  bottom  of  the 
economic  scale,  so  that  one  might  speak  of  the  poor 
and  pauperized  of  the  wealthy  or  middle  classes,  as  well 
as  of  the  poverty-stricken  proletariat.  Theoretically  it 
is  better,  in  speaking  of  those  in  poverty  or  pauperism, 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  299 

to  bar  out  those  who.  by  reason  of  youth  or  old  age,  or 
physical  or  mental  incapacity,  are  not  capable  of  per- 
forming some  kind  of  useful  service.  By  common  consent 
dependency  due  to  age  or  incapacity  is  entitled  to  aid, 
and  obtains  it  in  varying  degree  from  family  or  society. 
Still  the  destiny  of  such  is  united  with  those  who  b> 
kinship  or  authority  are  their  natural  supporters,  and  the 
distinction  for  practical  purposes  may  be  disregarded. 
Under  a  system  of  genetic  selection  society  should 
pay  no  attention  to  problems  of  poverty  and  pauper- 
ism;   and   alms,    if  given  at  all,   should  be 

Social  '  .  ,        .  ,  . 

attitude        looked  on  as  unwise  altruism  deserving  even 
toward         social    censure.     For    under    natural    condi- 

pauperism.      ,.  .  .,  -  ,       , 

tions  poverty  prevails;  a  lew  struggle  to- 
ward wealth  and  ease,  others  fail  in  the  competition,  and 
properly  should  die  of  hunger  or  its  attendant  evils.  It 
is  natural  selection,  and  human  experience  voices  it  in 
the  theory  that  war  or  cut-throat  competition  is  the 
natural  state  of  man.  The  socializing  process  is  seen 
first  when  the  kin  or  the  brotherhood  began  to  assume 
responsibility  for  those  of  their  own  blood,  and  wealthier 
men  began  to  have  "poor  relations."  Then  religion, 
philanthropic  agencies,  and  finally  the  state,  took  part 
in  it  one  by  one,  as  the  struggle  for  existence  became 
keener  and  humanitarianism  grew  stronger.  At  present 
society  is  so  sensitive  to  human  suffering,  and  so  altru- 
istic, that  the  burden  of  its  obligations  in  respect  to 
charity  is  becoming  too  onerous,  and  the  system  will 
surely  collapse  by  its  own  weight  whenever  a  severe 
social  crisis  develops  in  the  form  either  of  a  disastrous 
war  or  a  severe  financial  panic. 


300  SOCIOLOGY 

It  would  be  possible  to  argue  that  charity  in  its  nu- 
merous forms  is  on  the  whole  socially  injurious.1  Large 
charity  amounts  of  money  and  human  energy  of  a 
socially  high  grade  are  annually  devoted  to  pallia- 
mjurious.  ^yQ  an(j  statical  methods  of  charity,  in  sad 
comparison  with  the  small  amount  devoted  to  pre- 
ventive and  remedial  measures.  The  system  reminds 
one  of  a  busy  housewife  vigorously  expending  time 
and  energy  in  wiping  up  the  water  from  an  open 
tap,  but  failing  in  her  excitement  to  turn  off  the  tap 
itself.  Charity  workers  of  all  sorts  are  well  agreed  that 
the  real  causes  back  of  poverty  and  pauperism  are  (1) 
the  lack  of  steady  work  the  year  round;  (2)  sickness 
through  ignorance,  wretched  housing  and  food,  and  pre- 
ventable injuries  in  business;  (3)  vice,  largely  a  product 
of  environment;  and  (4)  general  ignorance  of  knowl- 
edge needful  in  home  life  and  occupation.  Now  if  one 
were  to  assume  as  a  matter  of  theory  that  the  money, 
labor  and  consecrated  devotion  at  present  expended  in 
charity  were  diverted  for  even  a  limited  term  of  years 
to  efforts  for  the  removal  of  these  conditions,  and  the 
creation  of  a  public  opinion  against  them,  unquestion- 
ably a  large  part  of  the  present  need  would  be  eliminated. 
No  such  telic  policy  of  course  could  be  put  into  immedi- 
ate operation,  but  the  possibility  of  such  a  policy  should 
be  taken  into  account,  and  the  worst  features  of  the 
present  system  eliminated  one  by  one.  For  example, 
the  state  insurance  system  of  Germany,  supplemented 
by  excellent  schools,  organized  charity  and  municipal 

1  For  an  excellent  argument  of  this  sort  see  Sumner's  "What 
Social  Classes  Owe  to  Each  Other." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF  SOCIAL  EVILS  301 

functioning,  is  rapidly  freeing  that  state  from  pauper- 
ism and  the   worst  features   of   poverty.     Poverty   as 
such  is  an  international  problem,  the  problem  of  a  whole 
civilization,  and  all  that  can  be  expected  from  a  given 
government  under  present  conditions  is  that  it  keep 
the  standard  of  living  fairly  decent,  and  devote  atten- 
tion to  the  elimination  of  conditions  below  the  standard. 
So  far  as  fundamental  conditions  are-  concerned,  the 
chief  remedies  have  already  been  indicated.     If  indus- 
trial conditions  can  be  bettered  by  wise  regu- 
lation, and  careful  oversight  maintained  over 

remedies.  ° 

the  conditions  of  labor,  and  if  steady  employ- 
ment can  be  rendered  more  and  more  possible,  and 
undue  competition  and  exploitation  reduced  to  harm- 
less proportions  by  law  and  opinion,  the  chief  difficulty 
will  have  been  overcome.  General  education  will  aid 
much  in  the  process.  Through  labor  organizations  and 
through  municipal  regulation,  the  conditions  of  labor 
and  living  will  be  improved  so  that  unnecessary  sick- 
ness and  injuries  will  be  eliminated.  As  public  intelli- 
gence develops  and  demands  civic  improvement,  better 
housing,  sanitation  and  a  knowledge  of  domestic  eco- 
nomics will  build  up  stronger  bodies  as  a  basis  for  the 
better  training  of  the  mind.  Then  society  will  look 
upon  its  entire  burden  of  charity  as  an  "old  man  of 
the  seas,"  an  incubus  to  be  shaken  off  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible. Curiously  enough,  society  now  smiles  approval 
at  the  establishment  of  a  new  asylum  or  hospital,  but 
begrudges  the  money  for  improved  schools  or  for  scien- 
tific experiments  looking  toward  the  elimination  of  dis- 
ease.    When,  on  the  other  hand,  it  deliberately  multi- 


302  SOCIOLOGY 

plies  its  educational  agencies,  lops  off  its  charities  one 
by  one,  cancels  the  charters  of  "benevolent"  institu- 
tions as  they  cease  to  be  needed,  and  prevents  accidents 
by  safety  devices,  then  society  may  claim  to  have 
reached  a  condition  of  telic  progress.  Altruistic  energy 
in  that  case  will  be  devoted  to  progressive  movements, 
aiming  to  build  up  the  cultural  standards  of  the  race, 
instead  of  expending  itself  in  an  effort  to  perform  a 
constantly  increasing  task  on  a  relatively  decreasing 
income. 

The  fundamental  social  aim  should  of  course  be  to 
abolish  pauperism  in  its  entirety.  No  economic  system 
t>o„v,„^o^     should  rest  satisfied  with  a  condition  in  which 

Pauperism 

should  be  physically  capable  men  and  women  are  sup- 
abois  e  .  p0r^ed  without  corresponding  exertion  on 
their  own  part.  Farm  colonies,  labor  colonies,  indus- 
trial training,  all  such  agencies  should  be  utilized  to 
free  society  from  its  parasites.  The  case  of  dependent 
children,  the  aged  and  the  sick  is  different,  and  agen- 
cies for  the  prevention  of  such  dependency  are  essential. 
The  chief  remedies  here,  again,  are  improved  economic 
conditions  and  education.  Few  children  would  be 
dependent  if  fathers  earned  a  living  wage,  and  occupa- 
tional accidents  were  reduced  to  a  minimum. 

Poverty  in  itself  is  not  an  evil  if  a  fair  standard  of 
living  is  assured,  permanent  employment  tolerably  cer- 
Poverty  ^am>  anc^  ProPer  facilities  available  for  the 
should  be  health,  comfort  and  education  of  children, 
lessened.       jt  -g  not  j^y  t^at  society  for  centuries  will 

eliminate  poverty,  but  it  can  conceivably  banish 
pauperism  and    the    strenuous    conditions  of    poverty, 


THE    ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  303 

so  as  to  lessen  the  strain  of  a  low-wage  system.  Any 
one  at  all  familiar  with  the  conditions  of  hard- 
working families,  marvels  at  their  skill  in  household 
economics  and  their  devotion  to  one  another  and  to 
their  weaker  neighbors.  Some  of  the  very  best  achieve- 
ments in  human  character  are  to  be  found  among  the 
poor,  who  need  but  better  opportunities  to  become  our 
most  capable  and  reliable  citizens.  Every  precaution 
should  be  taken  to  prevent  such  persons  from  being 
forced  into  pauperism,  for  when  once  that  taint  of 
passive  helplessness,  or  an  eagerness  for  parasitic  sup- 
port, gets  into  the  blood,  degeneracy  is  inevitable. 
To  the  worthy  poor,  society  owes  sympathy  and  jus- 
tice; to  the  desperately  poor,  a  helping  hand  and 
wider  opportunities;  to  the  pauperized,  self-reproach, 
pity,  but  a  policy  of  elimination;  uplifting  if  possi- 
ble, otherwise  segregating,  preventing  reproduction  of 
kind. 

Charity  on  the  other  hand  should  not  be  looked  on  as 
a  high  form  of  altruism;  the  better  opinion  of  the  age 

fights  against  that  view  of  it.  Charity,  as 
chanty  no     alms-giving,   is  a  temporary  remedy,   useful 

in  backward,  but  obnoxious  in  higher  civiliza- 
tion. The  highly  developed  intuitively  shrink  from 
charity  and  prefer  starvation  or  suicide  as  an  alternative. 
Such  feelings  deserve  to  be  fostered;  they  should  not  be 
stamped  out  by  well-meaning  but  ignorant  persons  who 
give  charity  instead  of  intelligent  service  toward  the  re- 
moval of  the  causes  for  the  need  of  it.  The  time  was 
when  men  asked  for  bread  and  received  a  stone;  now 
they  ask  for  work  and  receive  bread.     Of  the  two,  the 


304  SOCIOLOGY 

gift  of  bread  is  worse  than  the  hurling  of  the  stone. 
Fraternity  and  social  justice  are  the  proper  gifts  to  those 
who  need  both  food  and  kindness.1 

IV.  Crime 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  crime  is  sociologically  con- 
sidered a  more  hopeful  social  phenomenon  than  pauper- 
ism.    If  the  essential  basis  for  social  activity 
Crime  an       jg  vigorous  personality,  a  criminal  represents 

ambigTious  ... 

term.  a  higher  type  than  an  inert  pauper,  whose 

chief  characteristic  is  passivity.  Even  the 
crime  of  the  one  class  may  socially  be  better  than  the 
vice  of  the  other.  In  such  studies  of  heredity  as  the 
"Jukes,"  2  it  is  noted  that  the  stronger  strains  of  a  de- 
generate stock  turn  to  crime,  and  the  weaker  to  pauper- 
ism and  sexual  vice.  Criminality  also  may  be  looked  on 
as  a  sort  of  atavism,  a  survival  from  former  ages  when 
murder  and  robbery  outside  one's  family  or  clan  were 
considered  honorable.  Many  of  our  criminals  would 
have  been  " leading  citizens"  a  few  centuries  back,  and 

1  Works  on  charity  are  very  numerous,  but  excellent  bibliogra- 
phies may  be  found  in  Henderson  and  in  Warner  (below),  and 
in  R.  H.  Edwards,  "Studies  in  American  Social  Conditions,"  Pam- 
phlet 5.  The  following  references  are  given  as  typical  of  recent 
publications: 

Addams,  Jane,  "Newer  Ideals  of  Peace";  Chapin,  Robert  Coit, 
"The  Standard  of  Living  Among  Workingmen's  Families  in  New 
York";  Conyngton,  Mary,  "How  to  Help";  Devine,  Edward  T., 
"Misery  and  Its  Causes";  Henderson,  Chas.  R.,  "Modern  Methods 
of  Charity";  Kelley,  Florence,  "Some  Ethical  Gains  through  Leg- 
islation"; Lee,  Joseph,  "Constructive  and  Preventive  Philan- 
thropy"; Loch,  C.  S.  (editor),  "Methods  of  Social  Advance " ;  War- 
ner, Amos  G.,  "American  Charities." 

* By  R.  Dugdale. 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  305 

extolled  in  legend  like  Robin  Hood  or  Dick  Turpin;  just 
as  some  of  our  leading  citizens  to-day  may  in  the  next 
century  be  considered  as  criminals.  Theft  was  once  a 
civil  offense,  and  the  duel  and  the  feud,  to  say  nothing  of 
lynching,  meet  with  public  approval  in  some  parts  of 
western  civilization.  It  is  a  question  whether  the 
crimes  of  capitalistic  speculation  and  exploitation  are 
in  public  opinion  social  offenses,  or  exhibitions  of  shrewd- 
ness deserving  of  approval.1  Theft  to  the  thief  is  a  sort 
of  lex  talionis.  He  considers  that  he  has  been  exploited 
by  society,  and  he  exploits  another's  property  as  com- 
pensation for  his  own  injuries.  It  would  be  possible  by 
Nietzschean  philosophy  to  glorify  historically  murder, 
theft  and  seduction  on  the  basis  of  a  higher  law,  the  law 
of  might;  excellent  authority  could  be  found  for  it  also 
in  Machiavelli,  in  individualistic  philosophy  and  in  the 
argument  that  the  means  is  justified  by  the  end.2  In 
common  opinion  crime  depends  on  the  amount  of  it. 
The  greater  the  crime  the  more  the  tendency  to  condone ; 
and,  inversely,  punishment  is  relatively  severer  for  petty 
offenses. 

Treason  was  the  only  legal  crime  in  early  civilization, 
other  matters  being  left  to  private  settlement.  Then 
Crime  in  crimes  against  the  person  were  taken  one  by 
its  de-  one  under  civic  cognizance  as  being  against 

veiopment.    ^   peace>   anci  [n  comparatively  late   ages 

crimes  against  property  became  public  offenses. 
Many  a  person  is  even  yet  in  doubt  as  to  whether 
offenses  against  his  honor  or  that  of  his  family  should 

1  Read,  e.  g.  E.  A.  Ross,  "Sin  and  Society." 

2  See  Ragnor  Redbeard,  "Might  is  Right." 


306  SOCIOLOGY 

be  given  personal  attention  or  referred  to  the  courts. 
Corporations  are  comparatively  new  in  the  social 
world,  and  their  property  rights  are  not  respected 
as  are  those  of  persons.  Many  a  person  would  cheat  a 
corporation,  out  of  a  fare  for  instance,  who  would  scorn 
to  cheat  his  rival  in  business.  In  short,  the  notion  of 
crime  is  ill  defined,  as  befits  an  age  of  transition  when 
nations  are  passing  from  an  agricultural  civilization  with 
its  static  conditions  to  a  keenly  competitive  commercial 
regime.  It  is  important,  therefore,  that  in  sociology 
one  should  abandon  notions  of  crime  conveyed  by 
statute  books  and  commentaries  on  criminal  law,  for 
these  rely  on  the  past,  failing  to  take  readily  into  account 
newer  developments  in  civilization. 

If  one's  theory  of  crime  is  based  on  a  study  of  social 
forces,  and  not  on  an  historical  emphasis  on  human  de- 
pravity, it  is  hard  to  escape  the  conclusion 
Punishment  ^^  crjme  js  "misdirected  energy."     In  such 

for  crime.  °^ 

sociological  studies  of  crime  as  those  of  Lom- 
broso  and  Ferri,  for  example,1  the  question  of  hereditary 
criminal  tendency  is  discussed  with  the  implied  con- 
clusion that  there  is  only  a  very  small  per  cent  of  crim- 
inals who  are  instinctively  vicious  because  of  inherited 
tendencies.  In  the  case  of  such  persons  the  only  pos- 
sible remedy  is  for  society  permanently  to  segregate 
them  and  to  prevent  them  from  propagating.  If  the 
marks  of  the  criminal  type  can  really  be  ascertained,  or 
if  certain  criminals  by  their  acts  show  such  tendencies, 
nothing  in  the  law  should  hinder  society  from  perma- 

1  As    illustrations    see  Ferri,    "Criminal   Sociology";  Lombroso, 
"The  Criminal";  Boies,  "Science  of  Penology." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  307 

nently  separating  them  from  their  fellows,  if  not  by  a 
painless  death,  at  any  rate  by  lifelong  seclusion  in 
suitable  confinement.  As  for  the  remainder  of  the 
criminal  class,  writers  are  agreed  that  their  criminality 
is  altogether  due  to  the  conditions  of  their  environment. 
Now  sociology  never  argues  that  because  a  person  has 
become  criminal  through  environment,  therefore  he 
should  be  allowed  to  escape  the  penalty  for  his  acts. 
Only  an  approximation  to  exact  justice  can  be  expected 
in  an  imperfect  civilization.  The  criminal  may  not 
deserve  punishment  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  but 
irrespective  of  how  he  became  so,  he  is  a  dangerous  citi- 
zen and  must  be  treated  as  such.  Such  treatment  may 
involve  detention,  seclusion,  compulsory  training  of 
some  sort,  perhaps  even  death,  and  some  such  action  is 
socially  necessary,  even  though  there  may  be  twinges  of 
social  remorse  in  the  doing  of  it.  Yet  all  methods  of 
that  sort  ought  to  be  considered  as  temporary,  leading 
on  to  the  larger  policy  of  the  practical  elimination  of 
crime.  This  should  not  in  these  days  seem  like  a  wild 
suggestion.  No  man  living,  nor  his  son,  nor  his  son's 
son  will  see  the  final  disappearance  of  crime  from  society, 
and  yet  each  should  see  it  grow  relatively  less  through 
scientific  study  and  wiser  law. 

Physiological  and  psychological  studies  of  abnormal 
man,  supplemented  by  the  Bertillon  system  of  measure- 
Sociological  meRt,  have  already  been  begun;  from  them 
remedies  will  come  social  oversight  over  degenerate 
or  crime,  gtocks,  stimulation  of  the  better  members, 
separation  and  the  gradual  elimination  of  the  worse, 
and  of   all   habitual   criminals.     Social  oversight  over 


308  SOCIOLOGY 

degenerate  families  would  from  every  point  of  view  1 
be  one  of  the  most  profitable  measures  which  society 
could  take. 

In  the  second  place,  penologists  agree  that  most  of 
our  criminals  are  potentially  normal  persons,  who  have 
become  abnormal  physically  and  mentally  through  de- 
fective nurture,  education  and  lack  of  opportunity  for 
advancement.  This  of  course  is  mainly  due  to  the  ex- 
istence of  unskilled,  poorly  paid  labor,  native  and  alien, 
who  lack  proper  food,  housing,  social  enjoyment  and 
economic  opportunity.  The  existence  of  such  a  class  is 
preventable,  and  is  a  perpetual  menace  to  higher  civili- 
zation. Furthermore,  the  largest  per  cent  of  the  criminal 
classes  is  made  up  of  minors  in  adolescence,  who  at  that 
time  most  of  all  need  what  they  so  rarely  have,  viz. 
wise  guidance  and  cultural  stimuli.  The  success  of  a 
wiser  policy  is  clearly  shown  by  the  results  of  a  proper 
probation  system,  juvenile  courts,  industrial  and  dis- 
ciplinary schools  and  reformatories  for  older  first  of- 
fenders. If  our  poorer  population  were  given  fairer 
opportunities  in  education,  industrial  life  and  social 
enjoyment,  crime  among  them  would  be  minimized. 

There  would  still  remain  a  large  class  of  offenses  due 
to  the  condition  of  ethical  standards.  The  old  time 
Conflicting  religious  basis  of  ethics  is  weakening.  Many 
ethical  of  the  ethical  teachings  of  the  Old  Testament 

standards.  ^  least,  are  no  longer  taught  as  binding  on 
the  present  generation,  and  the  opinions  of  councils 
and  clergy  are  taken  at  their  face  value  only,    even 

'See  for  illustration,  A.  E.  Winship,  "Jukes-Edwards;  a  Study 
in  Education  and  Heredity." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  309 

within  the  churches.  On  the  other  hand,  the  scien- 
tific basis  for  morality  is  not  yet  exact  enough  for  use, 
and  public  opinion  is  often  unable  to  decide  between 
right  and  wrong  except  in  the  case  of  actions  condemned 
or  approved  as  the  result  of  generations  of  racial  expe- 
rience. To  meet  these  conditions  social,  religious  and 
educational  agencies  should  devote  themselves  vigor- 
ously to  the  task  of  working  out  a  newer  ethics  for  newer 
social  sins,  and  unitedly  to  develop  as  rapidly  as  possi- 
ble a  public  opinion  and  agencies  for  social  control, 
that  will  guide  men's  ambitions  toward  socially  ap- 
proved conduct.  Under  present  conditions  persons  can 
commit  crimes  and  retain  their  social  respectability 
because  public  opinion  is  too  vague.  For  instance, 
questions  actually  arise  as  to  the  justification  or  con- 
demnation of  violence  in  strikes,  lynching  when  law  is 
incompetent,  "corners"  in  necessities  of  life,  bribery 
in  politics,  profits  from  the  sale  of  liquors  and  the  sale, 
tacit  or  actual,  of  legislative  influence.  All  these  are, 
of  course,  condemned  by  the  moralist,  but  in  practice 
are  often  condoned  by  public  opinion.  Until  there  is  a 
reinforcement  of  ethical  principles  based  on  scientific 
teachings  and  standards  of  social  utility,  there  will  be 
crime  due  to  our  transitional  ethics.  When  once  these 
principles  are  formulated,  the  power  of  organized  public 
opinion  is  so  formidable,  that  men  will  tend  voluntarily 
to  devote  their  energies  in  safer  and  socially  wiser 
directions. 

One  of  the  defects  of  an  imperfectly  developed  civ- 
ilization is  that  attempts  to  regulate  or  suppress 
supposed  evil  often  result  in  an  aggravation  of  the  evil 


310  SOCIOLOGY 

itself.1  For  instance,  society  has  developed  so  vast 
and  intricate  a  system  of  criminal  law  and  procedure 
Evils  of  leading  to  the  detection,  trial  and  punish- 
poor  ment  of  criminals,  that  with  all  the  reform  of 

regulation.  thc  lagt  hundred  years  it  is  still  the  despair  of 
the  philosophic  jurist  and  the  admiration  of  every  believer 
in  circumlocution  and  chicanery.  Law  schools,  like 
theological  seminaries,  seldom  graduate  philosophers, 
so  that  lawyers  are  often  skilled  in  the  details  of  their 
business,  but  inexpert  in  the  simple  principles  of  juris- 
prudence and  penology.  As  judges  and  legislators  are 
chosen  chiefly  from  the  membership  of  the  bar,  the  same 
emphasis  on  detail  and  technicality  manifests  itself  in 
decision  and  law,  so  that  too  often  a  legal  system  seems, 
as  Dickens  put  it,  a  device  for  "how  not  to  do  it."2 
Unquestionably  this  is  one  cause  of  crime.  The  delays 
and  evasions  of  the  law,  its  failure  to  conform  to  newer 
social  standards  and  conditions,  its  practical  though 
unintentional  favoritism,  all  combine  to  sap  one  of 
society's  most  valued  achievements,  reverence  for  and 
obedience  to  law.  It  is  inconceivable  that  if  society 
had  to  make  anew  its  legal  system,  it  would  deliber- 
ately devise  anything  like  the  present  code  and  pro- 
cedure. There  is  need  therefore  that  scientific  com- 
missions be  periodically  convened  for  the  purpose  of 
revising  and  simplifying  the  law,  and  that  their  mem- 
bership consist  of  jurists  and  penologists,  rather  than 

1  The  history  of  religious  persecutions  would  supply  many  illus- 
trations, and  see  also  Herbert  Spencer's  discussion  of  "The  Sins 
of  Legislators"  in  "The  Man  versus  the  State." 

3  See,  e.  g.  Arthur  Train,  "The  Prisoner  at  the  Bar." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  311 

of  those  engaged  in  criminal  practice,  a  somewhat  am- 
biguous term.1 

Akin  to  the  evil  arising  from  the  technicality  of  law,  is 
the  hindrance  due  to  the  slow  movement  of  penological 
Reforms  in  ref°rms.  As  long  as  crimes  were  thought 
systems  of  due  to  innate  depravity,  it  was  natural  enough 
punishment.  tQ  agsume  t^at  harsh  punishment  should  be 

meted  out  to  the  offender  as  a  sort  of  retaliation 
against  a  social  enemy.  But  now,  when  it  is  believed 
that  the  great  mass  of  criminals  would  be  normal 
citizens,  had  society  done  its  duty  in  weeding  out 
degenerates  and  rightly  training  the  young,  vindictive- 
ness  changes  to  pity  and  a  desire  to  better  the  conditions 
of  punishment.  The  great  historical  stages  of  this 
change  are:  the  prohibition  of  cruel  punishments,  the 
slow  passing  of  capital  and  corporal  punishment,  im- 
provement in  the  general  treatment  of  criminals,  and 
the  introduction  of  reformatory  methods  even  in  the 
penitentiary.  It  seems  evident  that  the  trend  of  change 
is  in  the  general  sociological  direction  of  making  punish- 
ment a  system  of  industrial  labor  and  education,  with 
disciplinary  colonies,  and  permanent  segregation  of  the 
most  vicious,  so  as  to  secure  the  elimination  of  their 
stock.  The  ultimate  remedy  for  crime  itself  has  already 
been  indicated.  Society  must  not  simply  handle  its 
criminals  wisely,  it  must  rearrange  its  manner  of  life 
so  as  to  stop  the  manufacture,  as  it  were,  of  a  vicious 
population.     It   is   a   question,   for   example,    whether 

1  See  Parmelee,  "Anthropology  and  Sociology  in  Relation  to 
Criminal  Procedure,"  Chapters  V-VII,  inclusive,  and  Ferri's  "Crim- 
inal Sociology,"  Chapter  III. 


312  SOCIOLOGY 

minors  who  commit  offenses,  should  ever  be  charged 
as  criminals,  or  whether  they  should  not  rather  be 
given  wise  advice  and  disciplinary  training.  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  idea  of  the  juvenile  court,  probation  and 
the  industrial  school,  will  result  in  treating  the  offenses 
of  minors  as  properly  under  special  educational  super- 
vision, rather  than  criminal  jurisdiction; *  while  the 
city  health  department  will  remove  one  by  one  the 
vicious  conditions  that  drive  so  many  young  persons  into 
offenses  against  the  law.  It  is  also  probable  that  per- 
sons charged  with  minor  offenses  such  as  misdemeanors 
and  drunkenness,  will  cease  to  be  considered  crimi- 
nals; and  be  made  either  to  pay  civil  damages  or  be 
treated  through  other  agencies  than  the  prison,  e.  g. 
the  hospital,  the  industrial  reformatory  or  the  farm 
colony. 

It  hardly  seems  Utopian  to  hope  that  society  might 
largely  free  itself  from  crime  if  it  would  systematically 
s  iai  free-  segregate  the  hardened  criminal,  supervise 
domfrom  degenerate  stock,  give  special  training  to 
cnme-  youthful  and  first  offenders,  and  make  steady 

improvement  in  the  conditions  of  life,  raising  economic 
standards,  and  simplifying  criminal  law  and  pro- 
cedure. A  generation  of  the  next  century  may  per- 
haps look  at  the  ruins  of  our  Sing  Sings,  with  much  the 
same  feeling  that  a  modern  visitor  gazes  at  the  medieval 
dungeons  of  Europe.  William  Morris  may  not  have 
been  far  wrong  in  dreaming  of  a  time  when  criminal  law 
had  become  obsolete  and  criminals  so  rare  that,  if  a 

1  See  Russell  and  Rigby,  "The  Making  of  the  Criminal";  Thomas 
Travis,  "The  Young  Malefactor." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  313 

crime  was  committed,  the  offender  killed  himself  through 
loneliness  and  remorse. 

It  is  ordinarily  thought  that  if  punishment  were  re- 
moved from  the  statutes,  everybody  would  at  once  be- 
come eager  to  commit  crime.     As  a  matter  of 
nme  un-     £ac^  om,  crjmmai  cocie  even  now  applies  only 

to  a  small  per  cent  of  the  population.  The 
larger  part  of  a  people  are  moral,  and  prefer  to  remain 
so  because  of  their  desire  for  social  approbation.  If 
popular  opinion  could  be  strengthened,  and  vicious  con- 
ditions removed,  it  would  make  small  difference  to  the 
great  majority  of  the  people  whether  there  was  a  criminal 
code  or  not.  Men  naturally  love  to  be  in  sympathy 
with  their  fellows,  and  nothing  more  quickly  destroys 
the  best  in  a  man  than  the  knowledge  that  he  is  looked 
on  as  a  social  outcast.  The  criminal's  psychology  is 
abnormal  because  he  is  in  an  abnormal  situation. 
Workers  like  Mrs.  Booth  1  make  clear  the  fact  that 
prisoners  are  human  beings,  longing  for  a  something 
they  no  longer  enjoy;  the  consciousness  of  being  an  in- 
tegral part  of  their  race,  working  with  it  and  for  it,  as 
every  normal  man  should.  Criminals  should  be  social- 
ized, not  antagonized,  and  the  process  should  begin  in 
the  cradle  and  be  particularly  emphasized  through  the 
adolescent  period.  If  our  present  social  organization, 
the  most  prolific  breeder  of  criminals  possible,  would 
adopt  a  telic  policy  in  respect  to  crime,  a  vast  amount 
of  economic  and  social  waste  might  be  diverted  to  useful 
ends  in  society. 

1  See  her  work,  "After  Prison,  What?  " 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE    ELIMINATION   OF  SOCIAL  EVILS 

(Continued) 

V.  Sexual  Immorality 

The  problem  of  sexual  immorality  is  one  of  the  most 
serious  that  society  has  to  face,  and  one  in  whose  past 
solutions  it  can  feel  least  pride.  Sexual  pas- 
method*5  sion  is  a  fundamental  feeling,  and  being  neces- 
sary for  racial  continuance,  is  not  inherently 
evil.  This  passion  is  probably  more  intense  in  civilized 
man  than  in  the  savage,  owing  to  the  effects  of  a  more 
stimulating  diet,  the  use  of  clothing,  and  the  develop- 
ment of  a  vivid  imagination.  By  natural  evolution, 
too,  those  in  whom  sexual  feeling  is  weak  tend  to  die 
out  through  failure  to  marry  or  through  lack  of  descend- 
ants. On  the  other  hand,  the  violently  passionate,  who 
fail  to  regulate  indulgence  through  the  intellect,  tend 
to  become  degenerate  through  excess  or  disease.  Under 
the  law  of  survival,  therefore,  the  human  race  is  chiefly 
perpetuated  by  those  of  average  or  vigorous  passions, 
who  are  controlled  by  social  or  personal  reasons  and  who 
conform  to  standards  of  sexual  indulgence  set  by  racial 
experience. 

In  past  centuries  the  very  intensity  of  sexual  passion 
focalized  individual  and  social  attention  on  it;  the  dan- 
gers  inherent  in  it  were  recognized,  but  the  intellect 

314 


THE   ELIMINATION    OF   SOCIAL    EVILS  315 

in  its  ignorance  tried  to  stem  them  by  unwise  meas- 
ures, and  the  results  have  been  disastrous.  One  of  the 
The  social  saddest  pages  in  all  social  history  is  the  record 
problem  of  of  social  tabu  and  regulation  in  respect  to 
sxuaity.  sexuai  passions.  The  problem  now  is  not 
simply  to  work  out  a  program  for  the  regulation  of 
human  sexuality,  but  also  to  remedy  if  possible  the 
consequences  of  past  errors.  It  is  a  subject  that  de- 
mands the  most  serious  consideration  of  thoughtful 
humanity,  for  the  handicap  of  sexual  vice  is  far  more 
important  than  the  evils  of  intemperance,  and  the 
racial  benefits  that  might  arise  from  an  obedient  com- 
prehension of  the  laws  of  sexuality  are  incalculable. 

The  problem  from  the  standpoint  of  sociology  may  be 
stated  as  follows:  given  a  fundamental  feeling  so  power- 
The  ful  in  its  potential  energy  that  it  vies  with 

problem  economic  cravings  of  all  sorts  as  a  stimulus 
to  human  activity,  how  to  guide  it  into  use- 
ful directions,  while  incidentally  preventing  it  from  be- 
coming socially  harmful.  Had  society  from  the  begin- 
ning possessed  this  knowledge,  it  might  have  escaped 
many  of  the  evils  that  now  are  seemingly  so  ineradicable 
that,  even  if  modern  science  possessed  the  solution,  it 
might  deem  itself  impotent  in  view  of  the  conditions  of 
civilization.  Yet  such  handicaps  cannot  permanently 
retard  civilization,  provided  only  that  society  sees  its 
goal  and  the  means  of  attaining  it.  Although  this 
problem  is  fundamentally  of  great  sociological  impor- 
tance, the  study  of  it  devolves  primarily  on  other  sciences, 
chiefly  biology,  psychology,  economics  and  ethics;  for 
this  reason  a  better  understanding  of  the  problem  can 


316  SOCIOLOGY 

be  obtained  by  looking  at  it  from  these  several  view- 
points, as  aspects  of  a  common  problem. 

Biologically  speaking,  human  stock  should  be  prop- 
agated from  the  strongest  physical  strains,  and  the 
weaker  should  be  eliminated  as  rapidly  as 
^acial  possible.     Psychology    adds    that    vigorous 

mentality  also  should  be  taken  into  account, 
and  mental  weaklings  likewise  eliminated.  From  this 
standpoint  society  should  aim  to  assist  nature  in  this 
elimination,  by  developing  a  powerful  public  opinion, 
placing  a  virtual  tabu  on  the  marriage  of  persons  phys- 
ically and  mentally  defective,  and  those  afflicted  with 
contagious  sexual  diseases.  Already  public  asylums 
segregate  many  defectives  and  prevent  them  from  repro- 
duction, and  if  the  prevalence  of  sexual  diseases  and 
their  possible  consequences  were  better  known,  mar- 
riage would  become  impossible  to  many  immoral  per- 
sons. If  teachings  of  this  sort  were  made  emphatic, 
supported  by  scientific  evidence,  and  set  before  the 
youth  as  embodying  a  standard  demanded  by  the  best 
social  influences,  a  great  forward  step  would  have  been 
taken. 

Again,  society  should  develop  a  system  whereby  the 
better  part  of  the  population,  better,  i.  e.  in  physique 
Modem  anc^  mentahty,  would  be  encouraged  to  marry 
celibate  and  to  continue  their  stock  by  geometrical 
classes.  increase,  i.  e.  each  pair  should  bring  to  matur- 
ity at  least  four  children.  Here  the  conditions  are 
chiefly  ethical  and  economic.  It  is  unfortunate  that 
society  finds  it  necessary  to  segregate  for  war  purposes 
so  many  of  its  most  capable   males   in   the  army  and 


THE    ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  317 

navy;  or  to  approve  a  religious  system  which  demands 
celibacy  from  its  clergy;  or  an  educational  system 
that  insists  on  the  celibacy  of  its  women  teachers;  or  an 
economic  system  which  necessitates  the  system  of  early 
marriages  and  the  production  of  large  families  among 
the  poor  and  unskilled,  and  late  and  often  childless  mar- 
riages among  the  mentally  energetic  classes. 

Celibacy,  when  practiced  by  persons  physically  and 

mentally  capable  of  marriage  and  intelligent  parenthood, 

is  a  social  misfortune,  and  no  supposed  bene- 

Eviis  from     ^g  jn  reiicrjous    educational  or  economic  life 

celibacy.  °  ' 

can  usually  counterbalance  such  a  social 
enormity.  Religious,  educational  and  economic  sys- 
tems should  cooperate  with  evolutionary  processes  in 
favoring  the  celibacy  of  the  unfit  and  the  marriage  and 
parenthood  of  the  socially  fit;  any  system  that  works 
against  this  principle  is  prima  facie  wrong;  and,  if 
allowed  to  exist,  should  be  able  to  justify  itself  by 
indisputable  evidences  of  larger  social  gain  to  offset 
social  loss.  It  is  doubtful  whether  such  a  defense  is 
possible.  In  addition  to  the  social  loss  of  a  capable 
population,  there  are  many  serious  evils  involved  in 
the  celibacy  of  either  sex.  It  often  results  in  the  secret 
practice  of  masturbation  with  its  consequent  weakening 
of  physical,  mental  and  moral  fibre.  It  results  in 
the  development  of  prostitution  and  immoral  relation- 
ships, multiplying  disease,  wrecking  homes  and  blighting 
decency  and  the  nobler  ambitions.  Among  the  more 
moral  it  often  develops  an  abnormal  condition  of  mind 
by  the  constant  repression  of  natural  feelings,  so  that 
one's  thoughts  may  become  coarsened  by  secretly  and 


318  SOCIOLOGY 

almost  unconsciously  dwelling  on  forbidden  aspects  of 
life,  or  by  developing  a  mystical  trend  and  expressing 
sexual  emotions  under  the  form  of  an  abnormal  relig- 
ious or  philanthropic  experience,  manifested  through 
some  form  of  self-renunciation.  It  is  theoretically  pos- 
sible, of  course,  for  celibates  to  remain  normal,  to  shun 
evil  and  to  perform  much  useful  service  in  the  world. 
Certainly  the  lives  of  many  noble  and  altruistic  men 
and  women  bear  testimony  to  this  fact,  yet  the  ques- 
tion remains  whether  such  sacrifices  are  really  necessary 
and  whether  conjugal  and  parental  feelings  might  not 
better  be  allowed  proper  expression.1 

The  celibacy  caused  by  economic  and  social  standards 

affects    proportionately  a  much   larger  per  cent  than 

educational  and  religious  causes;    and,  being 

Society  an     more  largely  unchecked  by  religious  and  eth- 

marnage.  .         ?         .  jo 

ical  idealism,  is  productive  of  great  evil.  Am- 
bitious young  men  who  desire  to  enter  higher  business 
or  professional  life,  are  compelled,  if  they  marry  at  all, 
to  postpone  marriage  until  the  earlier  years  of  middle 
life.  This  practically  means  that  a  similar  number  of 
young  women  of  social  importance  must  delay  their 
marriage  a  proportionate  number  of  years.  Young  men 
must,  in  consequence  of  this  retardation  of  marriage, 
either  develop  a  high  morality  and  resolutely  maintain 
chastity,  or  else  yield  to  habits  of  masturbation  or 
temptations  to  prostitution,  with  their  inevitable  con- 
sequences. Yet  society,  which  is  definitely  committed 
to  a  permanent  monogamous  marriage  and  is  working 
toward  a  standard  of  sexual  ethics  binding  on  both  sexes 
1  See  in  Bibliography,  Lea,  "Sacerdotal  Celibacy." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL  EVILS  319 

alike,  neither  sufficiently  provides  youth  with  motives 
of  high  morality  nor  shields  it  effectively  against  insid- 
ious temptation.  Science  would  emphasize  neither  an 
early  nor  a  late  marriage.  Educational  systems,  there- 
fore, economic  incomes  and  social  opinion  should  com- 
bine to  make  it  possible  for  marriage  to  take  place  soon 
after  the  completion  of  the  adolescent  period.  Up  to 
that  time  social  effort  should  be  exerted  to  train  young 
persons  in  self-control.  Parent  and  teacher  can  do 
much  through  carefully  taught  physiological  knowledge 
of  sexuality,  through  emphasis  on  the  care  of  the  body 
and  instruction  in  dietetics,  and  by  directing  the  surg- 
ing passions  of  adolescence  toward  cultural  ideals  and 
higher  ambitions.  If  habits  of  self-control  are  de- 
veloped in  adolescence,  they  will  be  continued  in  the 
marriage  state  also,  to  the  manifest  improvement  of 
conjugal  felicity. 

Such  a  policy  would  involve  several  important  changes 
in  the  present  system.  In  the  first  place  the  tabu  now 
Changes  enjoined  on  discussion  of  sexuality  should  be 
needed  in  removed.  It  is  a  survival  from  an  age  when 
soaa  po  icy.  gexuaj  ignorance  had  a  cash  value  in  the 
marriage  market,  or  when  a  sexual  feeling  was  thought 
to  be  of  satanic  origin,  and  sexuality  an  evil  to  be 
suppressed  by  castration  or  voluntary  celibacy.  It  is 
far  safer  to  take  the  scientific  view,  and  to  assume 
sexual  passion  to  be  a  social  force,  which  ought  to  be 
powerful  so  as  to  ensure  racial  vigor,  but  always  to  insist 
that  it  must  be  controlled  and  directed  by  the  higher 
emotions  and  the  intellect.  Then,  too,  children  should 
be  taught  how  to  care  for  the  body  and  how  to  expend 


320  SOCIOLOGY 

energy  usefully  in  work,  play  and  cultural  occupations. 
Young  men,  also,  would  have  far  fewer  temptations  to 
sexual  immorality  if  they  had  simpler  foods,  physical 
exercise,  an  outdoor  life  and  the  stimulus  of  esthetic 
and  intellectual  pursuits.  A  diversity  of  cultural  in- 
terests and  knowledge  of  physiology  and  of  the  psychol- 
ogy of  adolescence,1  have  a  highly  moralizing  influence. 
Ignorance  of  the  facts  of  sexuality  is  one  of  the  great 
causes  of  sexual  immorality  and  indirectly  is  a  chief 
cause  of  marital  discord.  Naturally  such  a  change  in 
policy  would  need  to  be  supplemented  by  a  broader 
general  education  so  as  to  make  it  possible  for  youth  to 
develop  many  cultural  interests,  and  to  enter  economic 
life  with  a  wiser  preparation  and  in  a  better  physical 
condition.  Inevitably  the  state  must  cooperate  by  fur- 
nishing opportunities  for  cultural  advancement,  by 
better  regulation  of  economic  activities,  and  by  pro- 
hibition of  marriage  for  the  sexually  degenerate.2 

There  is  need  of  a  change  of  idea  in  respect  to  the 
sanctity  of  individual  life.     Every  human  life  is  sacred 

in  its  youth  and  while  it  is  struggling  to 
Socia  "make  good."     But  society  owes  nothing  but 

life-long  segregation  to  those  who  persist  in 
degrading  the  standards  of  social  efficiency  by  their  im- 
morality. Sexual  perverts,  both  male  and  female, 
should  be  carefully  culled  out  of  social  life  and  secluded 

1  See,  e.  g.  G.  Stanley  Hall,  "Adolescence,"  2  vols.,  and  E.  Lyttel- 
ton  [Headmaster  of  Eton],  "Training  of  the  Young  in  the  Laws  of 
Sex." 

2  See  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Fifteen  on  "The  Social  Evil," 
and  note  discussion  of  the  Employment  Bureau  as  an  agency  in 
social  vice  in  Frances  A.  Kellor's  "Out  of  Work." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  321 

permanently  so  as  to  prevent  the  continuance  of  their 
degenerate  stock.1  This  step  which  now  seems  radical, 
will  seem  most  natural  when  higher  ideals  in  sexual 
ethics  shall  have  become  a  common  possession.  Under 
the  influence  of  an  older  type  of  religious  teaching,  so- 
ciety has  too  long  devoted  itself  to  the  study  of  the  sins 
of  individuals,  to  the  neglect  of  what  is  injurious  or  bene- 
ficial to  society.  The  ethics  of  the  future  must  pay  far 
more  attention  to  the  sins  of  combinations  of  men,  and 
to  contagious  social  evils,  at  the  same  time  seeking  to 
develop  a  social  conscience  and  social  standards  of  right 
action.  Under  such  a  theory  society  would  have  the 
right  to  insist  that  persons  plainly  degenerate  must  no 
longer  propagate  their  kind,  nor  enjoy  a  freedom  for 
which  they  have  shown  themselves  incapable. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  economic  conditions  have  a 
large  share  in  sexual  vice.  The  conditions  of  a  poverty- 
Effects  of  stricken  proletariat  drive  many  women  into 
economic      immorality  for  the  sake  of  economic  support. 

conditions,      rj^   ideals   of  ^^   &nd   chagtity   loge   their 

attractiveness  in  the  face  of  starvation.  A  closely 
packed  population  of  both  sexes  in  tenement,  shop 
and  mill,  forms  a  condition  in  which  the  only  wonder 
is  that  there  is  comparatively  so  little  immorality  and 
so  much  feminine  refinement  as  there  is.  A  third  effect 
of  vicious  economic  conditions  is  evident  when  young 
men  of  inherited  wealth  and  few  morals  are  turned  loose 
to  prey  upon  the  weak  or  to  become  victims  of  the  de- 
signing. A  disbelief  in  the  utility  of  the  crop  raised 
from  "wild  oats"  is  rapidly  growing;  and  parents  in- 

x  See  references,  pp.  212,  30S. 


322  SOCIOLOGY 

capable  of  training  their  children  for  social  morality  and 
utility  should  transfer  them  to  the  compulsory  industrial 
school.  The  lesson  contained  in  Kipling's  "Captains 
Courageous"  is  one  well  worth  the  consideration  of  fond 
but  foolish  parents. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  medical  science  also  has 

its  constructive  work.1     If  sexual  diseases  afflicted  the 

immoral  only,  it  might  seem  but  fair  retri- 

Responsi-  .  *"  D 

bilities  of  bution;  but  unfortunately,  being  contagious, 
medical         ^he  innocent  suffer  with  the  guilty,  a  suffering 

SCIGXLCG 

not  simply  physical  but  mental  because  of 
the  implied  suspicion.  Often  sexually  diseased  men  are 
so  low  morally  as  to  marry  innocent  women,  who  by 
contagion  become  syphilitic  and  hand  on  the  taint  to 
their  children.  Such  men  deserve  the  lash.  Persons  in 
such  condition  should  refrain  from  marriage  altogether 
and  thus  end  their  stock.  Along  with  the  elimination 
of  the  perverse  should  go  the  elimination  of  diseases,  and 
the  most  loathsome  and  widespread  of  these  should 
receive  special  investigation.  It  is  an  imperative  ne- 
cessity that  humanity  rid  itself  as  soon  as  possible  of 
this  most  serious  physical  and  moral  handicap,  sexual 
immorality  and  disease,  which  at  present  drags  back 
some  of  the  best  products  of  our  civilization  toward  the 
profligate  conditions  of  the  ancient  world. 

Too  often  in  current  discussion  it  is  tacitly  assumed 
that  the  remedy  for  sexual  evils  depends  on  the  attitude 
of  the  male  part  of  humanity,  and  under  present  social 
conditions  there  is  much  truth  in  this.     Yet  it  is  proba- 

1  Note,  for  example,  P.  A.  Morrow,  "Social  Disease  and  Mar- 
riage," and  Howard  A.  Kelly,  "Medical  Gynecology." 


THE    ELIMINATION    OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  323 

ble  that  the  remedy  ultimately  will  come  from  the  sex 

most  vitally  concerned — the  female,  upon  whom  falls 

the    burden   of    gestation,    the   danger   and 

Woman  s  .  .  . 

influence  on  pain  of  delivery,  and  the  toil  and  respon- 
se ethics  sibility  of  nurture.  Only  the  ignorance  of 
barbarism,  seconded  by  male  unregulated  pas- 
sions, could  have  developed  the  theory  that  in  sexual 
relations  the  woman  must  be  submissive  to  her  husband 
in  marriage,  and  out  of  marriage  subject  to  male  regu- 
lation. By  analogy  from  the  animal  world,  and  by  even 
a  modicum  of  reflection,  it  should  be  manifest  that  in 
the  field  of  sexual  ethics  the  woman,  and  not  the  man, 
should  dictate.  As  long  as  patriarchal  conditions  lasted, 
and  women  were  kept  in  ignorance,  as  playthings  and 
drudges  to  their  lords  and  masters,  rebellion  of  any  sort 
was  promptly  repressed  by  physical  punishment,  and 
by  the  terrors  of  church  and  state.  But  the  coming  of 
democracy,  along  with  economic  flexibility  and  freedom, 
has  put  a  different  face  on  the  matter.  The  marriage 
of  barter  and  sale,  though  still  common  enough,  is  con- 
ventionally frowned  on,  and  society  demands  that,  in 
appearance  at  least,  love  and  voluntary  consent  be  the 
basis  of  marriage.  Through  economic  and  educational 
changes  women  are  becoming  free,  and  are  less  and  less 
inclined,  as  they  become  intelligent  on  the  subject,  to 
marry  merely  for  the  sake  of  a  home  and  support.  It 
has  become  essential  that  women  have  such  training  and 
opportunity  that,  as  an  alternative  to  an  economic  mar- 
riage, they  may  be  able  to  enter  economic  life  and  support 
themselves.  It  is  not  likely  that  many  women  would 
prefer  an  economic  occupation  to  a  marriage  on  the 


324  SOCIOLOGY 

basis  of  mutual  love  and  domestic  happiness,  but  every 
intelligent  woman  should  prefer  to  enter  economic  life 
and  refrain  from  marriage,  if  the  basis  of  it  is  sexual 
subordination,  household  drudgery  and  domestic  in- 
felicity. In  other  words,  woman  through  modern  free- 
dom is  developing  personality  and  self-respect,  and  de- 
sires to  maintain  and  to  strengthen  these  in  marriage, 
not  to  lose  them. 

The  discoveries  of  science  also  corroborate  this  view 

of   marriage.     The    phenomenon    of    "falling   in  love" 

implies  an  intuitive  recognition  of  essential 

The  mar-  l  ° 

riage  re-  likeness  of  type,  though  there  are  often  dif- 
lation.  ferences  in  detail.     If  there  is  also  a  mutual 

recognition  of  suitable  moral  and  mental  qualities, 
and  a  general  harmony  of  social  attainment,  the 
proper  conditions  for  marriage  are  present.  A  woman 
intuitively  knows  that  such  a  marriage  would  bring 
her  happiness,  and  that  any  other  kind  would  be 
"with  risk."  Increasingly,  therefore,  a  woman  as  she 
becomes  intelligently  trained  and  developed  in  personal- 
ity, will  demand  sexual  morality  and  self-control  from 
her  suitor  and  husband,  and  should  have  the  right  of 
divorce  as  a  guaranty  against  deception  or  brutality. 
This  implies  that  the  truest  and  noblest  women  will  mate 
only  with  similar  men,  and  by  social  imitation  the 
prestige  of  an  elite  will  create  similar  demands  in  every 
social  class.  When  women  see  that  the  real  happiness 
of  marriage  is  dependent  on  a  radical  upbuilding  of  male 
sexual  ethical  standards,  they  will  begin  definitely  to 
war  against  conditions  that  promote  immorality,  to 
educate  their  sons  to  as  high  standards  as  their  daugh- 


THE  ELIMINATION  OF  SOCIAL  EVILS  325 

ters,  and  to  insist  that  in  all  relationships  that  involve 
sexuality  the  male  shall  supplicate  and  the  female  dictate 
terms.  While  the  male  has  stronger  sexual  instincts,  he 
also  has,  by  his  own  admission,  a  more  powerful  intellect, 
and  hence  should  readily  be  able  to  regulate  his  passions 
in  order  to  attain  the  higher  end  of  conjugal  happiness 
and  nobler  offspring.  Science  and  experience  unite  in 
teaching  that  if  a  girl  can  be  trained  to  abhor  sexual 
immorality  and  drunkenness,  a  boy,  with  his  more  vigor- 
ous personality  and  mentality,  can  be  trained  to  be 
chaste,  and  to  be  capable  of  controlling  bodily  appetites 
so  as  to  utilize  his  bodily  and  mental  vigor  in  socially 
advantageous  directions.  Parents  and  teachers  should, 
however,  not  err  in  concluding  tha,t  intellectual  knowl- 
edge is  alone  sufficient.  Education  should  devote  vastly 
more  attention  than  at  present  to  the  feelings.  The 
higher  emotions  can  be  developed  by  arousing  cultural 
ideals,  which  absorb  attention  and  divert  energy  from 
physical  appetites. 

Society  errs  in  emphasizing  overmuch  the  difference 
between  male  and  female;  there  is  a  proper  distinction, 
The  dis-  an(^  ^ne  terms  manly  and  womanly  should 
tinctions  always  connote  a  natural  and  fundamental 
distinction  between  the  sexes.  Yet  the  harem- 
like seclusion  of  woman,  and  her  timid  dependency 
on  the  male,  are  rapidly  passing  as  the  sexes  mingle 
in  the  home  circle,  in  educational  and  economic  com- 
petition, and  in  the  free  social  life  of  the  times. 
The  sexes  inevitably  will  approximate  nearer  to  a  com- 
mon type  in  cultural  attainment,  though  kept  different 
by  biological  and  psychological  differentiation  and  func- 


326  SOCIOLOGY 

tions.  After  all,  aside  from  these  differences,  there  is  no 
sharp  distinction  between  the  masculine  and  feminine 
minds.  The  extremes  are  far  apart,  yet,  as  the  average 
is  approached,  masculine  and  feminine  traits  are  not  so 
different  but  that  there  may  be  many  real  harmonies  in 
ideals,  standards  and  ambitions.1 

While,  therefore,  biological  differences  will  probably 
always  result  in  slight  mental  differences,  the  funda- 
The  scien-  mental  likeness  of  a  mentality  inherited  from 
tific  basis  a  common  racial  stock,  will  form  the  basis 
o  mating.  ^  harmony  of  purpose,  and  the  distinctions 
clue  to  sex  and  training  will  supply  supplementary 
and  mutually  attractive  traits.  As  newer  psycho- 
logical discoveries  become  part  of  education,  and  the 
mental  deficiencies  of  each  sex  are  generally  noted, 
attempts  will  be  made  definitely  to  develop  qualities 
now  lacking,  so  that  mating  may  be  based  on  scientific 
insight  as  well  as  on  biological  instinct.  When  general 
knowledge  is  shared  by  both  sexes  alike,  and  racial 
ideals  and  ethical  standards  influence  the  purposes  of 
both,  they  will  plan  unitedly  for  the  final  elimination 
of  the  demoralizing  conditions  now  so  rife  through  sex- 
ual profligacy.2  Experience  shows  that  if  ever  the  elite, 
fortified  by  scientific  teachings,  and  animated  by  a 
hatred  of  vice  and  a  love  of  purity,  take  a  determined 
stand  against  the  present  low  standards  of  sexual  ethics, 
the  mass  of  the  population,  by  social  imitation  and  by 

1  For  a  short,  interesting  book  on  this  topic,  see  C.  G.  Leland, 
"The  Alternate  Sex." 

2  For  a  full  discussion  of  this  subject,  with  a  short  bibliography, 
see  Charles  R   Henderson,  "Education  with  Reference  to  Sex." 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  327 

education,  will  conform,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  the 
standards  set  by  social  leadership. 

VI.  Intemperance 

Next  to  sexual  immorality  in  its  prevalence  in  modern 
civilization  is  the  vice  of  intemperance.  Though  for 
the  purposes  of  discussion  this  term  may  be 
temperance  restricted  to  phenomena  arising  from  the  ex- 
cessive use  of  alcoholic  drinks,  yet  practi- 
cally, the  use  of  narcotics  and  tobacco  should  be  in- 
cluded, since  the  causes  and  remedies  for  the  use  of 
drug  and  liquor  are  much  the  same.  Certainly  no  one 
can  deny  the  enormous  evils  incident  to  such  forms  of 
intemperance,  evils  so  deep-rooted  and  wide-spread  as 
seriously  to  hamper  the  forward  movement  of  society. 
It  is  natural,  therefore,  when  these  evils  first  force 
themselves  on  the  attention,  to  follow  primitive  instincts 
and  favor  a  policy  of  tabu.  For  this  reason  society, 
under  the  impulse  of  an  awakening  conscience,  occa- 
sionally forbids  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  liquors, 
refuses  to  allow  their  importation,  or  else  prohibits  the 
sale  of  liquors  to  certain  classes,  when  plainly  inimical 
to  social  welfare,  as  e.  g.  in  the  case  of  minors  or  the 
skilled  employees  of  railroads.  All  tabus  have  their 
utility,  and  are  more  or  less  effective  in  proportion  to 
the  thoroughness  of  enforcement  and  the  strength  of 
public  opinion.  Sociologically,  however,  tabus  belong 
to  lower  civilization  and  are  but  temporary  remedies. 
As  a  permanent  policy  society  must  have  a  more  scien- 
tific basis  for  temperance. 

It  should,  however,  by  no  means  be  assumed  that 


328  SOCIOLOGY 

in  higher  civilization  temperance  is  synonymous  with 
abstinence.  Stimulating  beverages  will  probably  be  to 
Possibilities  some  extent  used  in  the  future  as  in  the  past. 
of  social  Drinking  habits  are  too  widespread,  and 
regu  ation.  ^ne  attractiveness  of  liquor  is  too  powerful 
to  permit  of  permanent  disuse,  for  many  centuries 
at  least.  But  a  large  part  of  the  evils  of  intem- 
perance should  disappear,  and  the  sooner  the  better. 
If  a  policy  of  systematic  reduction  were  adopted, 
in  place  of  vain  attempts  at  complete  annihilation,  a 
first  step  might  be  made  by  insistence  on  the  purity 
of  liquors  offered  for  consumption;  the  state  should 
insist  on  a  set  standard  of  purity  as  a  prerequisite  for 
permission  to  place  liquors  on  sale.  Then,  too,  if 
liquors  of  low  alcoholic  per  cent  gradually  supplanted 
stronger  beverages,1  crimes  of  violence  would  be  less- 
ened in  number.  Again,  as  a  remote  possibility,  chem- 
istry may  in  the  future  be  able  to  neutralize  to  some 
extent  the  evil  effects  of  alcohol  on  the  system,  so 
as  to  make  malt  and  vinous  liquors  no  more  harm- 
ful than  tea  or  coffee.  Furthermore,  many  improve- 
ments in  the  system  of  regulation  can  be  devised,  so 
as  to  eliminate  certain  evils  inherent  in  present  license 
systems.2  There  are  many  questions  in  a  license  system 
needing  more  careful  study,  such  as  e.  g.  the  methods 
of  obtaining  licenses,  the  number  of  saloons  per  capita, 
the  evils  arising  from  sales  by  clubs,  drug-stores  and 

1  For  years  the  United  States  Brewers'  Association  has  been  pub- 
lishing and  circulating  information  urging  the  use  of  beers  in  prefer- 
ence to  spirituous  liquors. 

2  Note,  for  example,  the  platform  advocated  by  what  is  called 
''The  Model  License  League."     See  Charities,  January  23,  1909. 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  329 

kitchen  bar  rooms,  and  the  relation  of  the  police  to 
those  legally  or  illegally  engaged  in  the  traffic.  Possi- 
bly the  present  system  is  in  need  of  radical  revision, 
and  as  a  substitute  for  a  license  system,  European 
experiments  in  monopolies  of  manufacture  and  sale 
should  at  any  rate  be  carefully  studied,  so  as  to  see 
whether  or  not  the  element  of  private  profit  can  be 
eliminated.  This  would  be  a  most  important  modi- 
fication, for  if  the  economic  motive  for  the  multiplica- 
tion of  sales  could  be  removed,  sales  would  largely 
diminish,  and  advocates  of  temperance  would  be  able 
to  exercise  greater  influence  in  legislation.  For  this 
reason  the  Scandinavian  system,  in  which  a  philan- 
thropic corporation  controls  a  monopoly  of  the  busi- 
ness and  devotes  all  profits  above  a  low  maximum  to 
public  use,  is  a  method  worthy  of  serious  attention. 

Then,  too,  the  state  might,  under  an  extension  of  its 
police  powers,  refuse  the  privilege  of  the  mails  to  pub- 
other  pos-  locations  containing  advertisements  of  liquor, 
sibie  modi-  just  as  the  federal  government  of  the  United 
fications.  States  refuses  to  allow  lottery  advertisements 
to  be  thus  distributed.  It  is  not  unlikely,  also,  that 
public  opinion  might  be  brought  to  bear  on  news- 
papers and  magazines,  so  as  to  induce  them  to  bar 
from  their  columns  all  advertising  matter  in  respect 
to  the  sale  of  liquors.  In  the  same  way  a  sort  of  social 
boycott,  like  that  of  the  Consumers'  League  against 
sweat-shop  goods,  might  be  created  against  hotels  and 
drug,  grocery  and  department  stores  that  keep  liquors 
for  sale.  An  aroused  public  opinion,  banning  adver- 
tisements and  restricting  sales  to  licensed  places  hand- 


330  SOCIOLOGY 

ling  liquors  only,  would  cut  off  two  great  sources  of 
the  spread  of  the  drinking  habit;  for  judicious  adver- 
tising increases  sales,  and  the  stimulus  of  private  profit 
leads  many  firms  to  add  the  sale  of  liquors  to  their 
other  lines  of  business. 

Much,  also,  has  been  and  can  be  accomplished  by 
associations  for  moral  and  social  betterment.  The 
influence  influence  of  such  movements  is  powerful, 
of  right  when  they  seek  to  stimulate  men  to  right 
e  ucation.  ac^on  by  appeals  to  higher  motives  based 
on  a  real  knowledge  of  the  situation.  Education 
also  is  an  influential  factor,  but  all  attempts  to 
educate  the  youth  or  to  develop  public  opinion  should 
be  fair  and  should  seek  to  present  the  question  as  a 
whole,  not  emphasizing  its  abnormal  and  one-sided 
aspects.  Exaggerated  teachings  in  respect  to  intem- 
perance are  harmful  in  the  long  run,  since  more  exact 
knowledge  brings  revulsion  of  feeling.  If  instruction 
in  temperance  is  given  in  the  schools,  as  in  the  United 
States,  it  is  important  that  text-book  and  teacher  handle 
the  question  intelligently,  and  present  it,  not  simply 
as  a  physiological  and  moral  problem,  but  as  a  matter 
affecting  the  whole  of  social  life  and  demanding  the 
formation  of  social  standards  and  purposive  activity.1 
The  churches  also  need  to  adopt  the  same  viewpoint. 
Religious  temperance  agitation  would  better  emphasize 
a  scientific  study  of  the  question  as  a  social  problem, 

1  For  a  short  discussion  of  the  temperance  instruction  given  in  the 
public  schools,  see  articles  on  the  work  of  the  National  Woman's 
Christian  Temperance  Union,  A  nnals,  Philadelphia,  November,  1908, 
pp.  38-43,  134-142,  and  for  a  longer  discussion,  see  John  S.  Billings, 
"  Physiological  Effects  of  Alcohol,"  2  vols.  (Vol.  D 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  331 

rather  than  make  it  a  religious  demand,  involving  a 
war  against  the  saloon  and  even  occasional  drinking. 
Instead  of  arousing  the  combative  and  sympathetic 
emotions  of  their  audiences,  the  ministry  would  better 
appeal  to  the  intellect  by  a  careful  presentation  of  the 
larger  aspects  of  the  question  arising  from  social  and 
scientific  studies.  In  place  of  their  insistence  on  per- 
sonal pledges  and  legal  prohibitions,  they  would  accom- 
plish more  by  attempts  to  improve  regulation  and  to 
modify  social  conditions. 

The  question  of  intemperance  has,  however,  a  more 
completely  sociological  phase,  since  the  desire  for  drink 
Habits  of  ^s  a^s0  a  soc'Vd^  force.  As  a  desire  it  is  in 
social  origin  physiological,  psychological  and  social, 

drmkmg.  jn  socjai  jjfe  t}ie  use  of  liquors  has  become 
a  custom,  and  many  persons  drink  simply  because 
it  is  usual  at  meals  or  in  social  companionship.  They 
have  no  craving  for  liquor  because  of  its  effects,  but 
merely  partake  of  or  furnish  the  beverage  customary 
on  social  occasions,  whether  it  be  coffee,  mineral  water 
or  liquors.  Evidently  the  remedy  for  such  a  custom, 
if  one  is  demanded,  lies  in  its  modification  by  argument, 
and  through  imitation  of  examples  set  by  social 
leaders.  It  is,  however,  the  least  objectionable  form 
of  drinking,  and,  if  it  never  went  to  excess,  would 
probably  lead  to  no  further  discussion  than  that  over 
the  growing  use  of  coffee  or  tea.  The  custom  may 
naturally  become  evil  when  the  amount  of  liquor  con- 
sumed becomes  large,  and  the  element  of  waste  becomes 
a  factor  in  the  situation,  along  with  tendencies  toward 
drunkenness   by  the   weaker  members   of  society.     A 


332  SOCIOLOGY 

relatively  large  part  of  drinking  for  social  purposes  is 
done  in  saloons  and  club  rooms,  because  these  are 
natural  social  centers;  persons  who  have  no  moral  ob- 
jections to  the  saloon  readily  find  in  it  an  attractive 
companionship  and  much  sociability  of  a  certain  sort. 
In  such  cases  the  drinking  may  be  merely  incidental  to 
the  social  features,  and  in  many  cases  some  other  form 
of  drink  would  be  equally  acceptable.  It  is  probable, 
therefore,  that  when  society  definitely  undertakes  to 
furnish  attractive  recreational  centers,  where  abundant 
opportunities  are  offered  for  social  enjoyment,  many 
persons  who  now  frequent  saloons  will  prefer  to  pass 
their  time  in  these  rival  places  of  amusement,  open,  it 
may  be,  to  their  families  also,  and  where  liquor,  if  fur- 
nished at  all,  would  be  sold  only  in  its  milder  forms, 
as  in  Europe.  One  of  the  really  hopeful  movements  of 
modern  times  is  in  the  development  of  such  social  cen- 
ters, where  numerous  classes  of  people  may  secure  light 
refreshments  and  amusements  of  a  better  sort  for 
trifling  sums. 

If  the  desire  for  intoxicating  liquor  is  psychological, 

it  may  be  due  to  a  morbid  craving  for  the  excitement 

of  drunkenness,  or  it  may  be  due  to  mental 

Psychoiogi-  s^.ram  causec[  by  reverses  in  business,  domes- 

cal  aspect.  J  ' 

tic  losses  or  disappointed  ambitions.  If  a 
person  drinks  simply  for  the  sake  of  the  effects  of  intoxi- 
cation, he  is  essentially  irresponsible  and  should  be 
treated  accordingly.  Probation  or  compulsory  deten- 
tion for  purposes  of  education  and  training,  are  the 
proper  remedies,  and  sterner  measures  should  be  taken, 
if  necessary,  to  prevent  such  forms  of  indulgence,  lead- 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF  SOCIAL  EVILS  333 

ing,  as  they  so  often  do,  to  crime  and  vice.  If  grief  or 
financial  reverses  cause  the  demand  for  the  stupefication 
arising  from  intoxication,  the  chief  remedy  lies  in  the 
diversion  of  attention  from  the  exciting  cause,  and  the 
arousal  of  new  interests  through  friendly  assistance, 
advice  or  even  medical  attention.  Such  cases  as  these 
are  relatively  few  in  number,  and  the  mental  conditions 
should  pass  away  with  proper  care. 

The  really  serious  cravings  for  stimulants  arise  from 

physiological  causes.     If  a  human  body  is  improperly  or 

insufficiently  fed,  if  the  lungs  are  not  regu- 

ysio  ogi-   ]ariy  supplied  with  a  proper  amount  of  oxy- 

cal  causes.  . 

gen,  or  if  the  body  and  nervous  system  are 
breaking  down  through  overwork  or  nervous  strain  due 
to  worry,  then  the  physical  system  demands  relief,  and 
a  feverish  condition  develops,  an  unrest  indicative  of 
approaching  physical  collapse.  Under  natural  condi- 
tions this  state  should  be  followed  by  lassitude,  weak- 
ness, susceptibility  to  disease,  and  ultimately  premature 
death.  The  proper  remedies,  of  course,  would  be  nour- 
ishing foods,  sanitary  conditions  of  housing  and  labor 
and  relaxation  from  mental  strain.  Such  remedies  un- 
fortunately are  out  of  the  question  for  low-wage  earners, 
who  must  be  satisfied  with  a  niggardly  subsistence  and 
a  wretched  environment.  Under  present  conditions  they 
must  remain  in  this  situation,  largely  because,  through 
defective  training  and  nurture,  they  lack  intelligence 
enough  to  understand  their  needs  and  the  danger  of 
contracting  vicious  habits.  If  they  had  foresight,  they 
would  push  upward  in  the  economic  world  and  would  not 
remain  among  poorly  paid  workers;  but  in  their  short- 


334  SOCIOLOGY 

sightedness  it  is  natural  enough  for  them,  when  they 
find  themselves  inert,  to  imitate  the  habits  of  their 
neighbors  in  order  to  find  a  temporary  remedy  for  their 
condition.  This  may  be  opium,  hasheesh,  cocaine  or 
tobacco,  tea,  coffee,  beer,  wine,  patent  medicines  or 
spirituous  liquors  such  as  gin,  rum  or  whiskey.  Wherever 
there  is  poverty,  there  will  be  a  demand  for  such  stimu- 
lants, not  because  of  inherent  wickedness,  as  is  some- 
times thought,  but  because  of  imperfect  bodily  develop- 
ment. Such  persons  are  sickly,  unsymmetrical,  and 
age  rapidly  under  the  strain  of  life. 

Each  class  seeks  that  remedy  most  customary;  there 
are  racial  preferences,  sex  preferences,  and  preferences 
influences  determined  by  social  and  ethical  considera- 
of  en-  tions.     The    essential    point    is    that    such 

vironment.  concjitions  0f  \[(e  iead  t0  a  demand  for  some 
sort  of  stimulant,  and  the  demand  is  met  by  a  sup- 
ply. As  liquor  in  all  of  its  forms  is  easily  obtained 
and  is  comparatively  cheap,  the  average  person  in 
western  civilization  turns  to  that.  This  can  be  illus- 
trated by  a  study  of  the  location  of  saloons  in  any  large 
city.  The  great  mass  of  them  will  be  found  wherever 
the  poor  live.  In  the  sections  occupied  by  skilled  work- 
ingmen,  where  economic  and  domestic  conditions  are 
better,  saloons  are  fewer  in  number;  in  the  so-called 
residential  sections  where  the  population  has  the  maxi- 
mum of  household  comfort,  there  are  few  or  no  saloons. 
Others  will  be  found  massed  near  the  vicinity  of  tender- 
loin districts  and  business  centers;  in  the  last  case  so  as 
to  cater  to  transient  trade  and  social  drinking,  or  to 
furnish  liquor  supplementary  to  a  meal. 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  335 

Furthermore,  women,  as  they  enter  economic  and 
social  life,  will  demand  the  same  privileges  as  their  male 
kin;  so  that  the  drinking  habit  both  public  and  private 
will  hereafter  inevitably  develop  among  women,  keep- 
ing pace  with  the  growth  or  decrease  of  the  habit  among 
men.  Many  women  under  present  tendencies  will  hardly 
be  deterred  by  the  argument  that  women  are  different 
and  should  be  better  .than  men,  a  point  in  ethics  some- 
what difficult  to  prove. 

Now  if  this  be  a  true  statement  of  the  case,  evidently 

the  remedy  for  intemperance  among  the  poor  will  not  be 

met  by  prohibition.     Moral  exhortations  and 

educational  information  will  make  small  clif- 

pohcy. 

ference,  and  social  substitutes  for  the  saloon 
will  hardly  satisfy  the  requirements.  Prohibition  in- 
evitably would  be  followed  by  illegal  sales  and  pur- 
chases, and  a  pledge  would  be  as  a  rule  efficacious  only 
when  followed  by  a  radical  change  in  environment. 
Remedies  to  be  really  effective  must  be  far-reaching. 
It  would  be  necessary,  for  instance,  to  fight  disease  in 
all  of  its  forms,  to  make  permanent  improvement  in 
sanitation,  housing  and  to  alleviate  conditions  of  labor; 
to  forbid  child  labor  in  toto,  female  labor,  except  under 
healthful  conditions,  and  to  regulate  under  police  powers 
male  labor  in  dangerous  and  disease-breeding  occupa- 
tions. Systematic  instruction  in  domestic  economy  and 
cooking  should  also  be  given  to  girls  in  the  schools,  and 
to  mothers  through  mothers'  clubs,  so  as  to  enable  them 
to  furnish  nourishing  foods  at  no  greater  expense  than 
that  of  the  wretchedly  cooked  foods  of  poor  dietetic 
value  now  usually  provided.     Finally,  there  should  be 


336  SOCIOLOGY 

in  every  neighborhood,  parks,  gymnasia,  reading-rooms, 
libraries  and  social  centers,  through  the  utilization  of 
school  buildings  and  ward  halls,  or  rooms  furnished  by 
churches  interested  in  social  betterment.  If  at  the  same 
time  there  were  a  general  economic  movement  to  elim- 
inate poorly  paid  labor,  along  lines  already  suggested, 
it  is  obvious  that  the  problem  of  intemperance  would 
rapidly  assume  less  alarming  proportions,  and  would  be- 
come capable  of  ultimate  settlement  through  social  con- 
trol and  education. 

As  far  as  drunkenness  itself  is  concerned,  there  is 
need  of  a  radical  change  in  social  policy.  Drunken- 
r  lation  ness  is  still  under  the  law  considered  a  crime, 
of  drunken-  though  all  science  is  against  any  such  view. 
The  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  drunkards 
form  a  large  part  of  the  work  of  the  police,  and  the 
system  in  its  effects  is  socially  vicious.  Drunkards 
should  be  treated  as  minors  are  under  the  modern 
system.  The  circumstances  should  be  carefully  in- 
vestigated through  a  special  drunkards'  court,  proba- 
tion used  whenever  possible,  and  cases  of  habitual 
drunkenness  should  have  medical  treatment  and  be 
segregated  in  farm  and  industrial  colonies.  Under  this 
system,  in  place  of  increasing  domestic  cares  by  the 
imposition  of  a  fine,  the  wages  earned  by  the  person 
under  restraint  could  be  legally  directed  to  the  support 
of  his.family.  Those  only  should  be  treated  as  criminals 
who  deliberately  drink  for  excitement's  sake,  and 
commit  acts  of  violence.  For  these  the  compulsory 
industrial  methods  of  the  modern  reformatory  are 
essential.     If  a  careful  policy  of  this  sort  were  carried 


THE   ELIMINATION    OF   SOCIAL    EVILS  337 

out  for  a  few  years,  the  expense  of  it  would  find 
ample  justification  in  ultimate  economy  and  social 
improvement.1 

Summary 

In  attempting  to  illustrate,  from  principles  sociologi- 
cally justifiable,  methods  that  should  be  kept  in  mind  in 
all  agitation  for  social  reform,  it  becomes  evident  at  a 
glance  that  the  several  topics  discussed  are  really  parts 
of  one  great  question.  Under  our  present  theories  the 
class  that  under  natural  selection  should  have  been 
eliminated,  has  been  kept  in  existence  through  social 
philanthropic  agencies,  but  in  such  wretched  conditions 
as  to  make  the  "submerged  tenth"  of  our  population 
a  crying  disgrace  to  high  civilization.  No  savage  race 
probably  is  so  hopelessly  fallen  as  are  the  degenerate 
classes  of  western  civilization.  In  addition  to  these 
the  conditions  of  our  strenuous  competitive  system  are 
dragging  down  another  large  per  cent  of  humanity, 
and  these,  though  struggling  hard  against  their  fate, 
are  being  slowly  drawn  into  the  vortex  of  despair. 
According  to  the  varying  conditions  of  heredity  and 
environment,  some  are  driven  into  crime,  others  to 
drunkenness  and  others  to  pauperism.  Sickness,  moral 
degeneracy  and  sexual  depravity  surround  them  at 
every  turn,  and  societ}'  heaps  up  for  itself  an  increasing 

1  The  best  summaries  of  the  temperance  question  are  as  follows: 
Francis  G.  Peabody  (editor),  "The  Liquor  Problem''  (a  summary 
of  investigations  conducted  by  the  Committee  of  Fifty),  and  Rown- 
tree  and  Sherwell,  "The  Temperance  Problem  and  Social  Reform." 
For  numerous  references,  see  R.  H.  Edwards,  "Studies  in  American 
Social  Conditions,"  Pamphlet  No.  1. 


338  SOCIOLOGY 

mass  of  social  misery  and  degeneracy,  against  the  time 
when  a  social  crisis  will  come,  and  another  "servile 
war,"  or  "proletariat  struggle,"  with  its  bloodshed  and 
"leveling  down."  Those  who  are  freed  from  the  bitter- 
ness of  these  degrading  conditions,  vainly  imagine  that 
the  evils  inherent  in  the  system  can  be  atoned  for  by 
charity  or  legislative  fiat.  Like  the  ostrich  which 
thinks  to  escape  its  pursuers  by  hiding  its  head  in  the 
sand,  society  imagines  that  it  has  abolished  its  social 
evils  by  forbidding  by  law  gambling,  begging,  crime, 
drunkenness  and  prostitution.  No  system  of  tabu  is 
at  all  efficacious,  unless  followed  up  by  extermination, 
as  under  ancient  conditions,  or  on  the  other  hand  by 
the  methods  of  science  and  telic  foresight.  Appeals  to 
reason  and  moral  suasion  are  powerful  influences  for 
those  who  have  leisure  to  think,  and  have  trained  minds 
and  emotions;  but  before  they  can  be  used  with  any 
effectiveness  on  the  depressed  classes,  social  energy 
must  be  concentrated  on  the  problem  of  improving  the 
physical  and  economic  conditions  of  social  life  environ- 
ing poorly  paid  labor.  Teachings  in  churches  and 
schools  are  comparatively  useless  except  as  they  sup- 
plement an  economic  uplift.  Individuals  here  and  there 
may  be  "plucked  as  brands  from  the  burning,"  but  they 
are  few  as  compared  to  the  many.  If  the  altruistic  and 
civic  agencies  of  society  would  band  together  for  a 
common  purpose,  working  toward  a  clearly  defined  goal, 
and  by  scientifically  recognized  methods,  the  energy 
and  wealth  now  expended  in  well-nigh  useless  direc- 
tions would  be  concentrated  on  the  spot  whence  most 
of  our  social  evils  arise,  and  would  slowly  but  surely 


THE   ELIMINATION   OF   SOCIAL   EVILS  339 

bring  about  changes  that  would  reduce  to  a  minimum 
the  handicaps  of  modern  civilization.  Then  the  in- 
fluence of  ethical,  educational  and  cultural  institutions 
of  all  sorts  would  have  their  rightful  effect,  and  social 
progress  would  bring  happiness  and  hope  to  our  despair- 
ing classes. 


CHAPTER  XVITJ 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  INDIVIDUALS 

If  society  by  forethought  and  a  knowledge  of  socio- 
logical principles  may  accelerate  its  progress,  individuals 
Natural  and  a^so  snould  be  able  to  utilize  these  agencies 
telic  de-  so  as  to  ensure  greater  success  in  life.  This 
veiopment.  certainly  should  be  true,  provided  heredity 
has  supplied  a  given  individual  with  a  proper  physical 
and  mental  basis  on  which  to  build;  and  this  would 
be  best  shown  by  his  capacity  to  comprehend  a  telic 
policy  for  himself  and  to  persevere  in  seeking  to 
accomplish  it.  Any  person  who  has  foresight  and  per- 
severance, other  things  being  equal,  should  be  able  to 
make  attainment  beyond  his  natural  expectation.  In 
this  chapter,  therefore,  an  application  will  be  made 
of  some  of  the  sociological  principles  already  discussed, 
as  suggestions  leading  toward  the  purposive  develop- 
ment of  the  life  of  an  individual.  Such  a  policy  should 
first  be  initiated  by  parents  and  teachers,  who  should 
seek  to  build  up  above  all  things  sound  bodies  and 
minds  harmoniously  trained  in  feeling  and  intellect. 
As  maturity  is  attained  each  individual  for  himself 
must  continue  his  own  development,  preferably  under 
guidance,  until  he  gains  the  confidence  that  comes  from 
experience. 

It  is  essential  in  the  first  place  that  the  mind  grasp 

340 


THE   PROGRESS   OF   INDIVIDUALS  341 

the  importance  of  a  telic  policy  as  against  a  policy  of 
drift,  or  genetic  development.  Then  the  general  aspects 
of  a  telic  policy  should  be  fixed  and  consist- 
ently carried  out,  modifying  details  as  neces- 
sity arises.  To  this  end  forethought  and  insight  into 
causation  should  be  developed,  so  that  one  may  become 
used  to  the  notion  of  working  for  a  definite  end,  through 
causes  to  anticipated  effects,  a  mental  habit  readily 
built  up  by  training  in  the  experimental  sciences,  for 
instance,  and  by  a  study  of  inventions.1 

In  the  second  place  the  distinction  between  static 

and  dynamic  development  should  be  made  clear,  and 

the  utility  of  each  fixed  in  the  mind;    the 

e  1C  one  standing  as  it  does  for  stability,   and 

progress.  &  J  ' 

the  other  for  progress.  Education  too  often 
fixes  the  static,  but  not  the  dynamic.  This  latter  proc- 
ess may  be  emphasized  by  evolutionary  studies — bio- 
logical, psychological,  economic,  religious,  and  so  on. 
When  a  mind  has  once  been  trained  to  use  prevision 
and  causation,  and  to  look  about  for  manifestations  of 
them,  and  has  grasped  the  distinction  between  sta- 
bility, fixity  and  permanency  orl  the  one  hand,  and 
changes  through  modifications  of  environmental  condi- 
tions, adaptation  and  assimilation  on  the  other — it 
from  that  time  on  has  the  fundamental  qualifications 
for  telic  progress. 

Then  one  should  study  his  own  environing  conditions, 
looking  first  at  the  physical  and  the  economic.  A  vig- 
orous physique  must  be  developed  as  a  basis  for  later 

1  Herbert  Spencer's  work  on  "Education"  makes  many  valuable 
suggestions  for  self-training. 


342  SOCIOLOGY 

activity,   but  in  so  doing  the  body  must  always  be 

kept  subordinated  to  the  mind.     Not  muscle  and  bulk 

merely,  but  a  muscular  system  regulated  and 

Environing    controlled  by  the  intellect,   so   as   to   make 

conditions.  J  ' 

the  body  flexible,  able  to  endure  toil,  and  to 
ward  off  disease.  This  necessitates,  of  course,  a  capacity 
to  regulate  bodily  appetites  and  to  subordinate  them  to 
higher  ends.  In  respect  to  economic  attainment  a  per- 
son should  see  its  importance  and  become  familiar  in 
a  general  way  with  economic  achievements.  Preferably 
he  should  handle  tools,  should  become  somewhat  famil- 
iar with  the  utilization  of  natural  power,  should  learn 
the  value  of  money  and  by  experience  the  difficulty  of 
earning  it;  then  he  should  follow  up  this  knowledge 
by  a  study  of  government,  so  as  to  understand  its  organ- 
ization and  its  methods  of  protecting  and  developing 
life  and  property.  This  should  lead  to  a  study  of  gov- 
ernmental machinery,  the  possibilities  of  improving  it,  and 
the  ways  in  which  governments  may  best  become  telic 
in  policy  so  as  to  adjust  themselves  to  newer  conditions. 
In  adolescence  the  really  important  crisis  in  life  is 
at  hand.  Then,  if  ever,  a  person  must  develop  a  powerful 
The  period  Personahty  by  telic  means.  As  the  feelings 
of  adoies-  grow  in  strength,  every  attention  should  be 
cence-  paid  to  their  proper  development.     The  feel- 

ings collectively  are  the  dynamo  that  will  furnish  en- 
ergy for  life's  activities,  and  while  they  are  built  up 
in  intensity  they  should  be  regulated  and  guided. 
A  vigorous  appetite  for  food  is  essential  but  should 
be  under  control  and  guided  by  a  knowledge  of 
dietetics;    sexual  feelings  should  be  powerful,  but  should 


THE   PROGRESS   OF   INDIVIDUALS  343 

be  diverted  from  vice  and  pruriency,  and  trained  into 
chivalry  and  a  deep  respect  for  womanhood;  eagerness 
for  economic  attainment  should  be  encouraged,  but 
shown  to  be  subordinate  to  larger  ends  more  worthy  of 
permanent  pursuit;  the  imagination  of  youth  should 
be  directed  into  the  idealism  of  early  manhood,  and  the 
great  moral  aims  of  society  made  clear;  such  as  domes- 
tic integrity,  patriotism  and  social  standards  of  right. 
In  adolescence  the  mind  is  easily  brought  under  the 
influence  of  rhythm,  motion,  harmony  of  sound  and 
color,  and  beauty  of  form.  These  esthetic  cravings 
should  be  rendered  vigorous  by  close  attention  to  the 
study  and  enjoyment  of  the  truly  artistic,  as  against 
vicious  passions  or  the  shallowness  of  sentimentality. 
This  absorption  in  the  artistic  may  not  be  permanent, 
but  during  the  time  when  it  is  especially  vigorous,  a 
person  should  build  up  an  appreciation  for  art  in  forms 
that  by  their  refining  effects  on  his  higher  emotions 
will  elevate  and  idealize  all  of  his  later  activities.  In 
this  period  of  bounding  juvenescence  he  must  remember 
that  feelings  in  themselves  are  not  injurious,  that  the 
more  numerous  and  the  stronger  his  desires,  the  more 
powerful  will  be  his  activities,  but  that  these  dynamic 
energies  of  his,  like  other  forms  of  power,  are  dangerous 
if  uncontrolled.  If  he  loses  control,  and  allows  his 
passions  the  upper  hand,  disaster  will  inevitably  follow.1 
As  adolescence  merges  into  maturity,  the  proper 
period  arrives  for  the  systematic  development  of  the 

'As  suggestive  books  may  be  mentioned  R.  P.  Halleck,  "Psy- 
chology and  Psychic  Culture";  George  H.  Betts,  "The  Mind  and  Its 
Education,"  and  C.  G.  Leland,  "Have  You  a  Strong  Will?" 


344  SOCIOLOGY 

intellect  itself.     Up  to  that  time  it  has  been  growing 

under   mechanical   processes,  and   largely  stored  with 

routinary    and     miscellaneous    information, 

inteiiectua    mucj1  0£  which  fortunately  is  speedily  for- 

maturity.  J  L  _  » 

gotten.  Intellectual  development  is  chiefly  a 
personal  process,  though  others  may  suggest  and  guide. 
For  this  reason  higher  education  is  useless  in  many 
cases.  Unless  a  person  will  himself  devote  his  energy 
to  mental  attainment,  the  time  and  expense  of  a  college 
or  university  course  is  largely  wasted,  from  the  intel- 
lectual standpoint  at  least.  Many,  perhaps,  seek  a  col- 
lege degree  merely  for  the  sake  of  the  social  life  of  the 
campus,  or  the  social  prestige  arising  from  residence  in 
or  graduation  from  a  university.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  value  of  a  college  education  is  beyond  measure  to 
one  who  is  eager  to  avail  himself  of  its  opportunities. 
In  the  training  of  the  intellect  there  are  two  processes 
to  be  followed:  in  the  first  place,  the  intellect  should 
be  considered  a  machine,  and  trained  to  work  easily, 
rapidly  and  steadily;  in  the  second  place  it  should  be 
considered  a  storehouse  where  information  should  be 
systematically  and  carefully  arranged. 

(1)  The  first   process  is  simple   enough,  demanding 
only  persistent  labor.     Knowledge  first  passes  into  the 

mind  through  the  senses,  and  each  of  them 
The  mental   mus£  ^e  trained  for  swift  and  accurate  ob- 

processes. 

servation,  so  as  to  gain  exact  information  as 
to  the  properties  of  things.  Here  again  science  and  the 
fine  arts  are  far  better  than  overmuch  poring  over  books 
or  work  in  memorization.  When  the  senses  have  been 
well  trained  in  early  years  so  as  to  become  efficient  ser- 


THE   PROGRESS   OF   INDIVIDUALS  345 

vants  in  maturity,  attention  can  then  be  given  to  rea- 
soning and  generalizing,  a  most  essential  mental  ac- 
quirement. The  mind  through  heredity  and  constant 
repetition  of  experiences,  performs  automatically  a  large 
share  of  reasoning,  through  the  so-called  unconscious  or 
sub-conscious  processes.  But,  in  addition  to  this,  a 
person  must  reason  with  full  consciousness,  selecting 
some  subject  as  in  a  debate,  reflecting  on  it,  combining 
information  on  hand  with  newer  information  sought, 
and  seeking  to  work  out  correct  conclusions.  This 
practice  should  be  constantly  repeated,  considering  sub- 
ject after  subject,  preferably  those  in  which  one  feels 
interest,  such  as  questions  of  ethics,  politics,  theology 
and  philosophic  and  scientific  hypotheses.  By  thus 
using  the  mental  processes  over  and  over  again,  taking 
increasingly  harder  subjects  for  reflection,  and  seeking 
to  develop  speed  by  concentration,  mental  machinery 
becomes  so  easy  in  its  workings  that  one  forms  judg- 
ments almost  automatically,  and  thus  accomplishes 
vastly  more  mental  labor  than  if  it  were  necessary  to 
take  each  step  in  reasoning  with  deliberation.  Every 
capable  person  must  be  able  to  think  and  to  decide 
rapidly  and  exactly,  and  as  a  rule  facility  must  be  de- 
veloped by  long  experience.  In  skilled  games  no  per- 
son becomes  really  proficient  until  he  acquires  the 
faculty  of  intuition,  so  that  in  any  given  emergency  he 
sees  what  to  do  without  conscious  reasoning.  This 
power  he  acquires  by  constant  practice  and  many-sided 
experience.  In  the  same  way  a  judge  in  a  police  court 
makes  his  decisions  with  great  rapidity  and  correctness, 
because  he  has  gained  intuitional  power.     Reverse  the 


346  SOCIOLOGY 

tasks  of  the  player  and  the  judge,  and  each  would  have 
to  consume  much  more  time  in  the  work,  and  the  re- 
sults would  be  far  less  satisfactory  than  if  each  were  in 
his  proper  place. 

If  the  feelings  are  vigorous,  the  senses  keen  and  the 

intellect  in  fine  working  order,  the  memory  will  be  good 

also.     If  the  memory  seems  defective  in  any 

aspect,  assuming  a  normal  condition  of  body 

memory.  ...  . 

and  mind,  it  is  because  one  has  no  interest  in, 
or  has  not  given  good  attention  to,  the  subject  matter, 
and  has  not  trained  his  intellect  to  deal  with  that  kind 
of  knowledge.  For  example,  a  person  ordinarily  finds 
it  hard  to  remember  names.  If  he  desires  to  cultivate 
facility  in  that  sort  of  memory,  he  must  arouse  an  inter- 
est, such,  for  instance,  as  a  priest  or  a  congressman  may 
have  in  his  constituency;  he  must  carefully  observe 
peculiarities  on  introduction,  and  must  consciously  try 
to  associate  the  name  and  face.  Interest,  keen  powers 
of  observation,  and  conscious  effort,  would  in  time  give 
the  person  "a  good  memory  for  names  and  faces." 

(2)  Enough,  perhaps/  has  been  said  in  earlier  chapters 
of  this  work  in  respect  to  the  importance  of  systematic 
importance  an(^  generalized  scientific  knowledge,  and 
of  right  the  necessity  of  seeing  the  essential  unity  of 
now  e  ge.  ajj  know]ecige>  Such  information  steadies  a 
person's  mind  and  keeps  him  from  being  unbalanced 
by  fads  and  bigotries.  As  one  approaches  maturity, 
the  field  of  wider  knowledge  opens  before  him,  entirely 
too  vast  to  be  compassed  in  the  space  of  a  lifetime, 
and  hence  one  must  select  such  departments  of  knowl- 
edge as  seem  most  pleasing  in  themselves  or  most  use- 


THE   PROGRESS   OF   INDIVIDUALS  347 

ful  for  later  years.  But  whatever  branch  or  branches 
are  taken  up,  one's  intellect  should  seek  to  see  them  as  a 
whole,  and  in  their  relations  to  other  knowledge,  before 
burying  one's  self  in  details.  Many  capable  minds  are 
ruined  because  overwhelmed  with  a  great  mass  of  spe- 
cialized information,  piled  up  helter-skelter.  The  ca- 
pacity to  see  the  thing  as  a  whole  is  essential  to  mental 
greatness.  Many  officers  can  handle  a  regiment  ad- 
mirably, but  it  takes  a  Von  Moltke  to  handle  an  army  as 
a  skilled  player  moves  his  chessmen.  No  great  business 
can  be  well  managed  except  by  a  man  who  sees  the  whole 
of  it  in  his  mind's  eye,  who  knows  the  relative  importance 
of  each  of  its  parts  and  can  put  his  finger  on  the  weak 
spots  of  the  system.  This  capacity  develops  through 
continuous  experience  in  generalizing  an  argument,  or 
by  forming  judgments  and  conclusions;  and  the  lack  of 
it  of  necessity  condemns  one  to  a  comparatively  insig- 
nificant position  in  life. 

It  is  by  means  of  proper  information  stored  in  the 

mind  that  the  intellect  is  able  to  direct  feelings  and 

desires  toward  telic  ends.     Ordinarily,  for  in- 

The  choice    gtance    a  pers0n  conforms  to  his  social  en- 

of  ends.  '         r 

vironment  and  imitates  social  custom.  If, 
however,  his  intellect  has  at  its  command  a  well-stored 
mass  of  information,  it  may  see  that  a  particular  in- 
fluence or  custom  is  retarding  progress  or  is  even  injuri- 
ous, and  therefore  it  would  suggest  or  call  up  another 
possibility  in  better  accord  with  higher  demands. 
Scientific  knowledge,  for  example,  in  respect  to  the 
body,  may  call  attention  to  the  effects  of  tobacco, 
liquors    or    sexual    immorality    on    bodily    conditions; 


348  SOCIOLOGY 

psychological  knowledge  may  suggest  probable  effects 
on  the  mind;  and  sociological  information  may  empha- 
size social  consequences  of  physical  indulgences,  and, 
as  an  alternative,  suggest  self-control  for  the  sake  of 
a  larger  and  higher  enjoyment  in  later  years.  Lacking 
such  knowledge  a  person  would  much  more  easily  be 
influenced  to  follow  the  dictates  of  urgent  physical 
desires,  if  only  for  the  sake  of  present  enjoyment  or  of 
social  companionship.  Growth  in  knowledge  would 
cause  the  intellect  to  appreciate  the  importance  of  an 
ever-improving  and  broadening  environment,  so  as  to 
enable  a  person  to  adapt  himself  readily,  and  be  "at 
home"  under  all  circumstances.  In  other  words,  per- 
sonality develops;  and  the  individual,  instead  of  taking 
his  tone  like  a  chameleon,  from  his  immediate  environ- 
ment, selects  or  creates  his  own  environment,  and  dic- 
tates tone  to  those  who  come  within  the  circle  of  his 
influence. 

This   is   important   because   he   thereby   becomes   a 

leader,  not  a  follower,  among  men.     To  this  end  by 

experience  and  study  he  must  become  famil- 

Sociai  -ar  ^jj  ]luman  nature  and  its  motives,1  and 

leadership.  ; 

acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  best  methods 
of  managing  men.  It  is  obvious  that  to  do  so  one 
must  give  tone,  not  take  tone;  and  this  becomes  pos- 
sible only  when  a  person  has  developed  a  powerful 
dynamo  in  his  feelings,  trained  his  intellect  to  think 
and  has  his  mind  well  stored  with  useful  information. 

1  One  of  the  best  aids  in  this  direction  may  be  had  from  such 
works  as  Mary  O.  Stanton's  "Encyclopedia  of  Face  and  Form 
Reading." 


THE   PROGRESS   OF   INDIVIDUALS  349 

Needless  to  say  that  such  a  personality  almost  inevit- 
ably will  succeed  in  life,  in  the  sense  that  he  will  attain 
a  far  higher  place  than  naturally  would  have  fallen  to 
him.  Accidents,  of  course,  are  possible;  against  the 
fates  not  even  the  gods  can  strive;  a  blow  on  the  head 
from  a  footpad  might  ruin  the  brightest  intellect.  But 
rules  hold,  even  though  there  are  seemingly  always 
exceptions. 

In  conclusion,  a  word  may  be  said  in  regard  to  a 

choice  of  occupation.1    Sometimes  heredity  determines 

that  by  pronouncing  unmistakably  in  favor 

Choice  of      Q£  a  cer^ajn  pUrsuit.     At  other  times  environ- 

occupation.  l 

ment  may  plainly  mark  out  an  occupation, 
as,  for  instance,  when  a  young  man  has  before  him  an 
attractive  opportunity  to  continue  the  successful  busi- 
ness or  profession  of  a  father,  relative  or  friend.  But 
ordinarily  it  makes  small  difference  to  a  young  man  in 
what  direction  he  turns  his  energy.  A  well-trained 
mind  is  capable  in  almost  any  direction.  He  should 
intelligently  survey  the  field,  try  to  form  an  estimate 
of  the  possibilities  of  future  development  in  a  given 
occupation  for  the  next  fifty  years,  take  account  of  his 
tastes  and  capacities  as  he  understands  them,  then 
make  his  decision  and  seek  for  an  opportunity.  If 
experience  plainly  proves  the  decision  wrong,  he  should 
not  hesitate  to  change;  but  as  a  rule  changes  should 
not  be  made,  and  will  be  unnecessary  if  proper  con- 
sideration has  been  given.  It  is  regularly  unwise  to 
stay  long  in  some  other  occupation  taken  up  as  a  make- 

!For  an  interesting  attempt  to  devise  a  scientific  basis  for  such 
choices  see  Frank  Parsons,  "Choosing  a  Vocation." 


350  SOCIOLOGY 

shift.  The  energy  of  early  manhood  should  be  exerted 
in  permanent  directions,  and  not  be  allowed  to  waste 
itself  in  work  on  which  the  highest  ambitions  are  not 
set. 

In  taking  up  his  life  work  one  should  devote  himself 
assiduously  to  it  and  master  it  even  to  the  loss  or  par- 
The  pursuit  ^a^  neglect  of  social  enjoyment.  It  is  im- 
of  an  possible  to  have  everything  in  life,  and  in 

occupation.    generai  one  mus^   choose  between  physical 

and  social  pleasures  as  an  aim,  and  business  as  an 
incidental,  or  reverse  the  process,  and  make  such  pleas- 
ures subordinate  to  the  higher  satisfactions  arising 
from  the  performance  of  duty.  A  well-trained  mind 
will  absorb  happiness  from  almost  any  environment, 
and  will  find  its  highest  enjoyment  in  the  performance 
of  a  chosen  vocation  and  in  thev  practice  of  civic  and 
social  virtues.  When  a  person  is  once  in  an  occupa- 
tion, he  should  develop  the  qualities  of  perseverance 
and  concentrated  energy,  although  always  he  must  re- 
member that  there  is  a  golden  mean  between  idleness 
and  strain,  and  that  a  capable  man  needs  leisure  to 
mature  his  plans  and  to  add  to  his  happiness  by  the 
diversification  of  his  interests.  Finally,  if  he  will  use 
a  well-stored  intellect  in  cooperation  with  his  feelings 
in  the  early  choice  of  a  sympathetic  and  intelligent  wife 
and  in  the  foundation  of  a  home,  he  will  manifest  talent 
in  a  most  useful  telic  direction,  and  the  benefits  arising 
therefrom  will  be  emphasized  with  passing  years. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE    SOCIAL    IDEAL 

Sociology  has  no  ideal  in  the  sense  that  there  is  a 
dominating  pattern  to  which  all  details  ought  to  con- 
mi    . ,    ,      form.     The  ideal  of  sociology  will  presumably 

The  ideal  of  toJ  r 

sociology  change  from  age  to  age.  What  seems  good 
a  relative  [n  ^\le  light  of  present  knowledge  may  in  later 
generations  be  deemed  defective,  because  of 
changed  conditions  and  larger  knowledge.  The  per- 
sonal equation  in  western  civilization  is  different  from 
that  in  the  East,  so  that  even  from  the  same  facts  another 
type  of  intellect  might  reach  a  different  conclusion. 
Heredity  and  local  environment  also  determine  "an 
attitude  of  mind,"  and  this  is  a  factor  in  any  process  of 
reasoning.  Yet  different  conclusions  have  their  utility, 
since  a  generalization  of  many  viewpoints  has  a  certain 
sort  of  finality.  At  any  rate,  such  a  consensus  is  a 
fairly  safe  guide  for  practical  purposes,  and,  after  all,  if 
the  general  direction  of  movement  is  known,  the  landing 
spot  may  be  ignored.  Columbus  believed  that  he  would 
find  India  by  sailing  westward,  but,  though  failing  in 
that,  America  was  not  a  bad  substitute.  So  in  sociologi- 
cal theorizing  one  may  feel  sure  of  certain  general  prin- 
ciples, even  though  the  varying  factors  in  heredity  and 
environment  are  too  complex  to  justify  a  prediction  in 
details.     In   this  last   chapter,    therefore,   no   attempt 

351 


352  SOCIOLOGY 

will  be  made  to  work  out  a  description  of  a  utopia  to  be 
attained  through  sociology,  but  rather  certain  aspects 
of  social  development  will  be  restated,  that  may  well 
furnish  subjects  for  reflection  'to  those  who  believe  that 
life  is  worth  living,  or  should  be  made  so. 

From  this  standpoint,  therefore,  we  may  well  start 

with  the  evolutionary  teaching  of  change.     We  know 

that  there  is  nothing  fixed  in  the  universe;  all 

Social  -g  jn  constant  motion,  and  changes  involving 

change.  .  .    '  .  ,° 

integration  and  disintegration  are  always  m 
evidence.  Things  seem  unchanging  to  us  because  of 
our  shortsightedness  and  mental  incapacity.  Our  most 
permanent  institutions  and  beliefs  have  their  history  of 
origins  and  development,  and  instead  of  there  being 
"nothing  new  under  the  sun"  it  would  be  truer  to  say 
that  all  things  are  ever  new,  so  that  even  dissolution 
through  death  is  a  new  birth.  While,  therefore,  many 
institutions,  customs  and  beliefs  seem  to  us  stable,  they 
are  only  relatively  so.  No  nation,  therefore,  should  seek 
to  imitate  ancestral  customs  in  Mo,  and  every  genera- 
tion should  expect  to  find  that  its  successor  has  a  different 
viewpoint  in  belief  and  activity. 

If  the  relativity  of  static  conditions  is  perceived,  and 

the  eternal  law  of  change  admitted,  then  one  should 

avoid  a  pessimistic  attitude  of  mind  by  seek- 

a  policy  of    •      g0  £0  uge  n-g  mtellect  as  to  modify  to  some 

progress.  °  , 

extent  the  genetic  changes  of  nature.  In- 
grained stupidity  destroys  the  possibility  of  progress, 
and  a  society  mentally  inert  might  as  well  fold  its  hands 
and  take  passively  the  bitter  experiences  that  nature  will 
so  abundantly  supply.     Progress  belongs  to  the  society 


THE  SOCIAL   IDEAL  353 

that  realizes  that  its  evolution  can  become  telic,  that  it 
is  possible  to  work  out  a  policy  of  improvement,  and  that 
the  necessary  basic  knowledge  is  already  existent.  Pre- 
sumably no  general  policy  could  be  put  into  practice 
instantly,  for  forethought  and  planning  involve  patience 
and  time,  and  human  experience  teaches  that  the  best 
always  costs  most  and  comes  with  infinite  slowness. 

In  developing  a  social  policy  of  progress,  it  is  not 
sufficient,  therefore,  to  reproduce  by  imitation  past 
attainments;  society  must  also  encourage  by 
bmtalfleX1"  every  means  improvements,  and  add  con- 
stantly new  achievements  to  strengthen  its 
civilization.  Not  the  least  of  possible  achievements 
would  be  a  mental  capacity  to  discard  the  obsolete  in 
favor  of  a  better  device  and  a  truer  knowledge.  Society 
like  some  animals,  must  occasionally  shed  its  skin  so  as 
to  allow  growth  and  vigor;  like  a  business  establishment 
or  a  household,  it  has  its  garret  where  is  stored  long- 
accumulated  trash,  awaiting  a  cleaning  or  a  burning. 
It  is  socially  more  dangerous  to  hold  on  too  long  to  the 
old  than  to  reach  out  too  eagerly  for  the  new.  Old 
books  are  best,  but  most  old  books  are  obsolete,  and  as  a 
rule  every  generation  makes  its  own  best  books.  A  so- 
ciety should  be  willing,  like  a  manufacturing  plant,  to 
throw  on  the  junk  heap  its  outworn  social  machinery, 
customs  and  teachings,  and  conserve  and  develop  what 
is  most  useful  for  present  conditions.  Its  primary 
achievement,  of  course,  will  be  the  wiser  utilization  of  all 
forms  of  material  and  energy  supplied  by  nature,  so  as 
to  free  mankind  from  the  curse  of  unskilled  labor,  and 
with  a  more  scientific  biological  and  chemical  knowledge 


354  SOCIOLOGY 

to  improve  the  quality  and  quantity  of  foods.  On  the 
basis  of  these  attainments  should  come  all  sorts  of 
scientific  achievements,  a  broadening  of  the  influence  of 
art  in  all  of  its  forms,  the  moralizing  of  social  institu- 
tions and  the  unifying  of  knowledge.  Education  through 
the  press  and  the  school,  should  be  pushed  far  more 
vigorously  than  at  present,  so  as  to  spread  broadcast  the 
most  useful  knowledge,  and  thus  to  create  a  public  opin- 
ion that  would  sustain  a  social  telic  policy.  The  process 
of  socialization  is  best  carried  on  through  education.  A 
narrow  education  results  in  a  socialization  characterized 
by  self-satisfaction  and  inertia,  easily  becoming  unpro- 
gressive.  The  more  and  larger  the  education  the  more 
truly  does  one  become  at  the  same  time  socialized  and 
individualized.  A  fixed  education  restricts  a  man's 
mentality,  but  a  mind  that  absorbs  "broad  knowledge 
grows  by  what  it  feeds  on  and  develops  personality. 
The  aim  of  socialization  is  to  create  a  sort  of  federation, 
made  up  of  strongly  individualized  personalities  unified 
for  common  social  purposes.  Education  accomplishes 
this  by  building  up  the  higher  emotions  and  the  intellect, 
supplying  them  with  information,  and  opening  up  a 
great  field  of  social  activity. 

It  is  important  to  fix  clearly  the  principle  that  social 
activity  tends  to  be  either  prohibitive,  regulative  or  con- 
Sociai  structive  in  kind.     Prohibitions  imply  that 

activity  is  there  is  social  depravity  and  that  offenders 
constructive.  mugt  ke  plinisjied  or  exterminated.  Regula- 
tions assume  the  general  ignorance  of  mankind,  which 
must  be  guided  by  its  more  capable  members.  A 
constructive  policy    develops    when    the    average    per- 


THE   SOCIAL   IDEAL  355 

son  is  intelligent  enough  to  appreciate  and  originate 
improvements  in  the  social  system.  Sociology  would 
have  society  free  itself  from  a  morality  of  don'ts  by 
eliminating  as  far  as  possible  human  depravity  through 
scientific  knowledge  of  racial  improvement.  It  would 
have  regulation  grow  less  burdensome,  less  compulsory, 
less  imitative  in  kind,  and  become  the  regulation  suited 
to  a  democracy;  that  is,  such  as  public  opinion  sees  to 
be  necessary  under  the  conditions,  and  formulates  into 
law,  cheerfully  obeyed  by  its  makers.  It  would  have 
society  through  education  develop  a  type  of  citizenship 
able  to  comprehend  the  life  of  society  as  a  whole  and 
constructively  to  build  up  a  higher  form  of  civilization. 
In  passing  through  these  stages,  one  by  one,  the  methods 
of  social  control  change  from  intimidation  to  persuasion, 
from  the  fear  of  punishment  to  the  stimulation  of  hope, 
from  a  compulsory  uniformity  to  a  conscious  imitation 
of  the  good  and  a  deliberate  attempt  to  find  a  better. 
It  eliminates  constructively,  by  tearing  down  while  it 
builds,  and  using  for  the  new  edifice  the  valuable  parts 
of  the  old.  Society  will  therefore  enter  on  its  rightful 
inheritance  when  it,  through  science,  sees  clearly  how  to 
improve  its  racial  stock,  to  add  continuously  to  its 
economic  and  cultural  achievement,  and  to  impart  its 
knowledge  wisely  to  each  generation  through  the  stimu- 
lation of  human  desires,  under  the  guidance  of  a  well- 
trained  intellect  supplied  with  useful  knowledge. 

In  so  doing,  society  will  find  its  chief  stimulus  in  its 
deeper  insight  into  the  possibilities  of  development. 
Evolution  looks  forward  as  well  as  backward.  The 
backward  glance  causes  men  to  see  as  through  a  glass 


356  SOCIOLOGY 

darkly;  they  are  yet  to  see  face  to  face.1    They  must 
forget  the  things  that  are  behind  and  stretch  forward 

to  the  things  that  are  before.2  As  incentives 
Modern        ^Q  jluman  activity,  society  already  offers  many 

social  ideals  familiar  through  the  great  human- 
itarian movements  of  the  last  two  hundred  years.  The 
social  history  of  that  period  clearly  indicates  how  men 
have  toiled  and  suffered  for  ideals  of  freedom,  democracy 
and  human  brotherhood.  About  us  at  the  present  time 
we  see  the  zeal  and  energy  displayed  in  agitation  for 
women's  rights,  the  rights  of  labor,  socialism  and  world 
peace.  Arising  into  social  consciousness  are  demands 
for  health,  recreation  and  a  broader  education ;  for  a  fair 
wage,  a  decent  standard  of  living,  a  chance  to  "make 
good"  and  a  "square  deal."  Soon  there  will  develop  a 
constantly  growing  demand  for  the  eradication  of  pau- 
perism, disease,  vice  and  crime.  The  saloon  and  the 
slum  must  go,  and  perverted  and  degenerated  stocks 
must  cease  to  propagate  their  kind.  There  is  a  demand 
for  the  development  of  dormant  capacity,  for  a  larger 
life,  and  for  an  ideal  of  social  welfare  that  will  fill  men's 
hearts  with  an  ardent  desire  to  assist  in  building  up 
social  achievement.4 

Society  is  learning  to  plan  for  the  sake  of  a  coming 
world-wide  civilization.  Because  of  this  implicit  ideal- 
ism sociology  has  sometimes  been  considered  a  sort 
of  religion.  Comte,  the  "father  of  sociology,"  even 
worked  out  a  religion  of   humanity  which  yet  has  its 

1 1  Corinthians  xiii,  12.  2  Philippians  iii,  13. 

3  See  H.  O.  Taylor,  "Ancient  Ideals,"  2  vols. 

4In  illustration,  note  Josiah  Strong,  "The  Challenge  of  the  City." 


THE   SOCIAL   IDEAL  357 

votaries  in  the  so-called  Positivist  Church.1  Spencer 
also,  in  his  synthetic  philosophy,2  could  not  keep  from 
The  enunciating  a  sort  of   cosmic  theology,  and 

religious  his  statements  about  "The  Unknowable"  are 
institution.  wjt|eiy  qll0ted  in  theological  circles.  But 
sociology  proper  is  not  a  religion,  and  in  its  teach- 
ings is  plainly  inimical  to  many  of  the  accretions 
that  to-day  pass  as  religion.  To  the  sociologist  as 
such,  religion  is  one  of  the  aspects  of  social  life,  and 
should  be  studied  dispassionately,  without  prejudice. 
Religion  has  its  great  social  institution  in  the  church; 
it  has  its  law,  its  customs  and  its  teachings.  It  has  a 
history  of  achievement  both  good  and  bad,  its  leisure 
class  and  its  masses,  its  slavery  and  its  freedom.  It 
is  subject  to  the  law  of  change,  with  resultant  degen- 
eration and  elimination  on  one  hand,  and  survival 
through  adaptation  on  the  other.  Unquestionably  the 
influence  of  comparative  science  and  philosophy  will 
modify  its  organization  and  teachings,  just  as  the  rise 
of  the  state  modified  its  functions.  Yet  experience 
shows  that  humanity  preserves  its  great  historic  insti- 
tutions. After  countless  generations  shall  have  come 
and  gone,  society  will  still  probably  have  its  religion 
and  its  church,  even  though  they  may  widely  differ 
in  detail  from  those  now  existent.3 

1  See  reference  on  p.  25.  2See  his  "First  Principles." 

3  As  illustrations  of  recent  utterances  on  various  aspects  of  re- 
ligion, may  be  noted  the  following:  Faunce,  W.  H.  P.,  "The  Edu- 
cational Ideal  in  the  Ministry";  Guyau,  M.,  "The  Non-Religion 
of  the  Future ";  Hand,  J.  E.  (editor),  "Ideals  of  Science  and 
Faith"  (a  series  of  papers);  Henderson,  Charles  R.,  "Social  Duties, 
from  the  Christian  Point  of  View";  Jcnks,  J.  W.,  "Political  and 


358  SOCIOLOGY 

Yet,  while  sociology  is  not  a  religion,  concerned  as 

it  is  with  humanity  and  its  improvement,  it  finds  much 

in   common  with   the  ethical  aspirations  of 

a  religious    j-jie  cnurch    so  that  the  two  will  inevitably 

element  in  #  t  • 

sociology,  unite  in  ethical  policy  in  coming  years.  The 
ethical  generalizations  of  the  great  religions 
are  broadening  out  into  a  common  teaching,  and  their 
ethical  applications  in  details  are  more  and  more  com- 
patible with  scientific  conclusions.  The  ethical  aims  of 
all  religions  and  sociological  teachings  will  increasingly 
harmonize  just  as  the  theology  of  religion  and  the  best 
teachings  of  science  and  philosophy  tend  to  conform'; 
If  this  be  true,  there  is  a  sense  in  which  sociology  may 
be  looked  on  as  one  aspect  of  religion,  since  it  has  im- 
plicit in  its  teachings  the  future  social  teachings  of  the 
church.  If  religions  would  pay  less  attention  to  the- 
ologies for  a  generation  or  two,  and  meanwhile-  devote 
themselves  to  a  reorganization  of  their  ethical  theories 
and  activities,  the  church  would  become  a  more  con- 
structive institution  for  human  happiness. 

The  ultimate  harmony  of  religion  and  sociology  in 
ethical  policy  is  curiously  foreshadowed  by  a  resem- 
blance in  fundamental  Christian  and  sociological  teach- 


Social  Significance  of  the  Life  and  Teachings  of  Jesus";  McCabe, 
Joseph,  "The  Bible  in  Europe:  An  Inquiry  Into  the  Contribution 
of  the  Christian  Religion  to  Civilization";  Rauschenbusch,  Walter, 
"Christianity  and  the  Social  Crisis";  Smith,  Goldvvin,  "In  Quest 
of  Light";  Vivian,  P.,  "The  Churches  and  Modern  Thought," 
Among  recent  studies  of  importance  should  be  mentioned:  Josiah 
Strong,  "Religious  Movements  for  Social  Betterment,"  and  "Social 
Work  of  the  Church,"  being  the  November  (1907)  number  of 
Annals,  Philadelphia. 


THE   SOCIAL    [DEAL  359 

ings.  Christian  teaching,  for  instance,  in  brief  argues 
that  the  natural  condition  of  man  demands  that  he 
Sociology  repent  of  past  sins,  become  newly  born  as 
and  it  were,  live  henceforth  a  righteous  life,  and 

re  lgion.  gQ     egcape     £}ie    pam     0f    neU    ancJ    gam     ^he 

joy  of  heaven,  thereby  winning  an  eternity  for  develop- 
ment as  against  the  petty  duration  of  human  life. 

The  sociological  counterpart  of  this  has  repeatedly 
been  emphasized  in  the  previous  pages.  Man  is  born 
under  natural  law,  he  lives  in  a  pain  economy,  his 
environment  wars  against  him  and  dooms  him  to  de- 
struction; disease,  misery  and  vices  shorten  his  days. 
But  there  is  a  call  to  salvation.  In  the  pulsing  brains 
of  the  surviving  "fit"  is  born  a  new  idea;  man  must 
conquer  nature,  he  must  no  longer  cringe  like  a  slave 
at  its  manifestations  of  power,  but  should  proclaim 
his  kinship  as  being  himself  a  power.  This  he  proves, 
since  by  means  of  his  intellect  he  learns  to  comprehend 
nature's  laws  and  utilizes  its  energy,  in  order  to  build 
up  a  higher  and  happier  life.  He  gradually  learns  to 
conquer  disease  and  to  refrain  from  vice,  and  by  setting 
his  face  toward  new  ideals  he  seeks  to  build  up  a  higher 
nature  that  may  feel  itself  to  be  in  harmony  with  the 
universe.  In  so  doing  man  passes  from  death  to  life, 
from  a  pain  economy  to  a  pleasure  economy,  from 
genetic  to  telic  development.  He  no  longer  fears  the 
hell  of  nature's  eliminating  processes,  but  passes  by 
development  into  the  heaven  of  achievement.  His  de- 
light is  in  overcoming  the  evil  in  life,  in  casting  out 
as  it  were  social  devils  by  healing  the  sick,  freeing 
intellects  from  captivity  and  giving  food  to  hungry  minds. 


360  SOCIOLOGY 

Through  achievement  he  adds  attainment  to  attainment, 
and  develops  a  firmer  idealism  as  he  strengthens  his 
mind  by  social  contact  and  quiet  meditation.  Further- 
more, he  learns  to  regret  the  fact  that  his  fathers  stoned 
the  prophets  of  science,  and  determines  that  from  hence- 
forth he  will  refrain  from  dogmatic  conclusions  and 
seek  for  a  larger  truth. 

He  learns  also  to  recognize  the  fact  that  humanity 
should  be  a  unit,  and  that  salvation  is  not  the  privilege  of 
the  west  only,  but  is  for  north  and  south  and  east.  He 
sees  that  mankind  is  neither  black  nor  white  nor  yellow 
nor  brown,  that  it  should  recognize  no  distinctions  based 
on  sex  or  race,  but  that  all  unitedly  may  form  a  com- 
mon brotherhood  who  should  share  their  social  heritage, 
changing  the  selfish  exploitation  of  early  years  to  altru- 
ism and  social  service.  Finally  he  looks  forward  to 
the  time  when  man  will  come  into  his  kingdom;  when 
misery,  vice  and  human  discord  shall  have  been  out- 
grown, and  peace,  good  will  and  joyous  emulation  in 
achievement  prevail  among  men.  In  anticipation  he 
feels  himself  to  be  part  of  this  glorified  humanity,  since 
he  also  does  his  share  in  the  world's  work,  and  builds 
up,  be  it  by  ever  so  little,  the  achievement  and  happi- 
ness of  mankind.  This  joy  in  companionship  with  men, 
past,  living  or  future,  is  to  him  immortality,  and  when 
death  comes,  since  he  also  is  a  true  son  of  man,  and 
like  Moses  has  caught  glimpses  of  the  promised  land,  he 
goes  gladly,  trusting  that  he  may  be  enrolled  in  the 
fellowship  of  those  who  loved  their  neighbors  as  them- 
selves. 

When  sociology  lends  itself  so  readily  to  a  sort  of 


THE   SOCIAL   IDEAL  361 

religious  interpretation  of  social  movements,  it  is  not 
strange  that  many  persons  find  in  it  a  kind  of  inspira- 
The  per-  ^on  f°r  n^e-  Back  of  statistics,  heartless 
fection  of  laws,  agnosticism  and  materialism,  is  a  belief 
umamty.  -m  ^  perfectibility  of  mankind,  whether 
in  this  world  or  the  next,  and  perhaps  it  is  of  small 
moment  whether  it  be  called  religious  or  sociological. 
The  perfection  of  humanity  on  earth,  however,  lies  far 
in  the  future,  and  it  may  be  that  thousands  of  years 
will  be  needed  before  its  possibilities  become  real.  Yet 
the  human  mind  is  so  constituted  that  it  will  continue 
to  dream  of  the  good  time  coming,  and,  as  it  frees 
itself  from  error  and  illusion,  its  utopianism  will  grad- 
ually merge  into  a  science  of  prevision,  and  social  energy 
will  strive  methodically  to  bring  about  a  social  recon- 
struction, founded  on  reason,  and  inspired  by  the  hope 
of  final  achievement. 


/ 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  following  references  make  up  a  partial  list  of 
works  relating  to  the  several  topics  under  discussion. 
As  few  foreign  works  as  possible  are  referred  to,  and 
these  mostly  in  translation.  Special  attention  may  be 
called  to  the  bibliographies  contained  in  Giddings' 
"Principles  of  Sociology,"  Howard's  "Syllabus,"  and 
Warner's  "American  Charities." 

Adams,  Brooks 

The  New  Empire.     1902.     New  York. 
Addams,  Jane 

Democracy  and  Social  Ethics.     1902.     New  York. 

Newer  Ideals  of  Peace.     1907.     New  York. 
I^nderson,  W.  L. 

The  Country  Town.     1906.     New  York. 
Andrews,  E.  Benjamin 

Wealth  and  Moral  Law.     1894.     Hartford. 
Anitchkow,  Michael 

War  and  Labour.     1900.     New  York. 
Bagehot,  Walter 

Physics  and  Politics.     New  Edition.     1902.     New  York. 
Bailey,  William  B. 

Modern  Social  Conditions.     1906.     New  York. 
Baldwin,  J.  Mark 

Social  and  Ethical  Interpretations  in  Mental  Develop- 
ment.    1897.     New  York. 

The  Story  of  the  Mind.     1898.     New  York. 
Bascom,  John 

Social  Theory.     (A  grouping  of  social  facts  and  princi- 
ples.)    1895.     New  York. 
363 


/ 


361  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Beazley,  C.  Raymond 

The    Dawn    of    Modern    Geography,     (a.d.    300-1420.) 
Three  volumes.     1897-1906.     London. 
Bellamy,  Edward 

Looking  Backward.     Edition  of  1898.     Boston. 

Equality.     1897.     New  York. 
Betts,  George  H. 

The  Mind  and  its  Education.     1906.     New  York. 
Billings,  John  S.  (editor) 

Physiological  Effects  of  Alcohol.     Two  volumes.     1903. 
New  York  and  Boston. 
Blackmar,  Frank  W. 

Elements  of  Sociology.     1905.     New  York. 
Bloch,  Jean  de 

The  Future  of  War.     Translated  by  R.  C.  Long.     1899. 
New  York. 
Boies,  Henry  M. 

The  Science  of  Penology.     1901.     New  York. 
Bolen,  George  L. 

Getting  a  Living.     1903.     New  York. 
Booth,  Mrs.  Maud  B. 

After  Prison,  What?     1903.     New  York. 
Booth,  Charles 

Life  and  Labour  of  the  People  of  London.     Seventeen 
volumes.     1892-1903.     London. 
Brooks,  John  Graham 

The  Social  Unrest.     1903.     New  York. 
Bucher,  Carl 

Industrial  Evolution.     Translated  by  S.  Morley  Wickett. 
1907.     New  York. 
Buck,  Winifred 

Theory  and  Practice  of  Boys'  Self-Government  Clubs. 
1906.     New  York. 
Bulwer,  Edward  (Lord  Lytton) 

The  Coming  Race.     1875.     London. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  365 

\BuTTERFIELD,    KENYON    L. 

Chapters  in  Rural  Progress.     1908.     University  of  Chi- 
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Calkins,  Raymond 

Substitutes  for  the  Saloon.     1901.     Boston. 
Carpenter,  Edward 

Civilization,  its  Cause  and  Cure.     1895.     London.     New 
York. 
Carus,  Paul 

The  History  of  the  Devil,  and  the  Idea  of  Evil.     1900. 
Chicago. 
Carver,  Thomas  Nixon 

Sociology   and   Social   Progress.     (A   series   of   selected 
articles.)     1906.     Boston. 
Chalmers,  Thomas 

Christian  and  Civic  Economy  of  Large  Towns.    Abridged 
and  edited  by  C.  R.  Henderson.     1900.     New  York. 
Chancellor,  William  E. 

A  Theory  of  Motives,  Ideals,  and  Values  in  Education. 
1907.     Boston. 
Chapin,  Robert  Coit 

The  Standard  of  Living  among  Workingmen's  Families 
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Clodd,  Edward 

Pioneers  of  Evolution  from  Thales  to  Huxley.     1897. 

New  York. 
The  Story  of  Primitive  Man.     1895.     New  York. 
Committee  of  Fifteen,  Report  of 

The  Social  Evil.     1902.     New  York. 
Committee  of  Fifty 

A  series  of  reports  in  six  volumes  on  various  aspects  of 
the  liquor  problem.     For  Summary,  see  under  name 
of  Peabody,  F.  G. 
Commons,  J.  R. 

Races  and  Immigrants  in  America.     1907.     New  York. 


366  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

COMTE,    AUGUSTE 

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The  Positive  Philosophy  of  Auguste  Comte.  Translated 
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1853.  Three  volumes.  1896.  London  and  New 
York. 

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Positive  Polity.  Translated  under  the  direction  of  E.  S. 
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See  also  under  names  of  Frederic  Harrison,  and  Lucien 
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Congress  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  Papers  of  the 

Eight  volumes.     1904.     St.  Louis.     See  especially  Vol- 
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Volume  VII,  Dept.  XXII,  "Social  Science." 
Conyngton,  Mary 

How  to  Help.     1906.     New  York. 
Cooley,  Charles  H. 

Human  Nature  and  the  Social  Order.     1902.     New  York. 

Social  Organization.     1909.     New  York. 
Crozier,  John  Beattie 

Civilization  and  Progress.  Third  edition.  1892.  Lon- 
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History  of  Intellectual  Development.  Volumes  I  and 
III.     1897.     1901.     London. 

CUBBERLEY,    ELLWOOD    P. 

Syllabus  of  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education.     Sec- 
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Davenport,  F.  M. 

Primitive    Traits    in    Religious    Revivals.     1905.     New 
York. 
Davidson,  Thomas 

A  History  of  Education.     1901.     New  York. 
Deniker,  J. 

The  Races  of  Man.     1900.     New  York. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  367 

Devine,  Edward  T. 

Principles  of  Relief.     1904.     New  York. 
Misery  and  Its  Causes.     1909.     New  York. 
Dewey,  John,  and  Tufts,  James  H. 

Ethics.     1908.     New  York. 
Dexter,  Edwin  Grant 

Weather  Influences.     1904.     New  York. 
A  History  of  Education  in  the  United  States  (Part  III, 
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York. 
Dole,  Charles  F. 

The  Coming  People.     1897.     New  York. 
Drummond,  Henry 

The  Ascent  of  Man.     1894.     New  York. 
Dutton,  Samuel  T. 

Social  Phases  of  Education.     1900.     New  York. 
Earp,  Edwin  L. 

Social   Aspects   of   Religious   Institutions.     1908.     New 
York. 
Edwards,  Richard  Henry 

Studies  in  American  Social  Conditions  (chiefly  biblio- 
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viz.,  The  Liquor  Problem,  The  Negro  Problem,  Im- 
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Madison,  Wisconsin. 
Eleutheropulos,  A. 

Soziologie.     1904.     Jena. 
Ellis,  Havelock 

Man  and  Woman.     1894.     London.     New  York. 
A  Study  of  British  Genius.     1904.     London. 
Ely,  Richard  T. 

Social  Aspects  of  Christianity.     1889.     New  York. 
Evolution  of   Industrial  Society  (with  numerous  refer- 
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Espinas,  Alfred 

Des  societes  animales.     Second  edition.     1878.     Paris. 


368  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

.  y 

Fairbanks,  Arthur 

Introduction  to  Sociology.     Third  edition.     1901.     New 
York. 
Faunce,  W.  H.  P. 

The   Educational   Ideal   in   the   Ministry.     1908.     New 
York. 
Ferri,  Enrico 

Criminal  Sociology.     1896.     New  York. 
Ferris,  Alfred  J. 

Pauperizing  the  Rich.     1899.     Philadelphia. 
Finck,  Henry  T. 

Romantic  Love  and  Personal  Beauty.     Revised  edition. 
1902.     New  York. 
Fiske,  John 

Outlines    of    Cosmic    Philosophy.     New    edition.     Four 
volumes.     1903.     Boston. 
Fitz  Simon,  James  A.,  and  Vincent  A. 

The  Gods  of  Old.     1899.     London. 
Flower,  B.  0. 

The  Century  of  Sir  Thomas  More.     1896.     Boston. 
Free,  Richard 

Seven  Years  Hard.     1905.     London. 
Gamble,  Eliza  Burt 

The  Evolution  of  Woman.     1894.     New  York. 
Garrod,  E.  K. 

The  Unit  of  Strife.     1905.     New  York. 
Geddes  and  Thomson 

Evolution  of  Sex.     Revised  edition.     1901.     New  York. 
Ghent,  M.  J. 

Our  Benevolent  Feudalism.     1902.     New  York. 

Mass  and  Class.     1904.     New  York. 
Giddings,  Henry  F. 

Principles    of    Sociology.     Third    edition.     1896.     New 
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Elements  of  Sociology.     1898.     New  York. 

Inductive  Sociology.     1901.     New  York. 

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Gilman,  Mrs.  Charlotte  Perkins  (Stetson) 

Woman  and  Economics.    Second  edition.    1899.    Boston. 

Concerning  Children.     1900.     Boston. 

Human  Work.     1904.     New  York. 
Gladden,  Washington 

Social  Salvation.     1902.     New  York. 

Social  Facts  and  Forces.     1897.     New  York. 
Greef,  Guillaume  de 

Introduction  a  la  sociologie.     Two  volumes.     1886-1889. 
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Godley,  A.  D. 

Socrates  and  Athenian  Life  in  His  Day.     1896.     Paris. 
Griggs,  Edward  H. 

The  New  Humanism.     Third  edition.     1900.     New  York. 
Groos,  Karl 

The  Play  of  Animals.     1898.     New  York. 

The  Play  of  Man.     1901.     New  York. 
Grosse,  Ernst 

The  Beginnings  of  Art.     1897.     New  York. 

GUMPLOWICZ,    LUDWIG 

Der  Rassenkampf.     1883.     Innsbruck. 
Sociologie  und  Politik.     1882.     Leipzig. 
Grundriss  der  Sociologie.    Second  edition.    1905.    Vienna. 
For  English  translation  of  first  edition,  see  Annals. 
1899.     Philadelphia. 
Gunton,    George 

Principles  of  Social  Economics.     1891.     New  York. 
Guyau,  M. 

The  Non-Religion  of  the  Future,  a  Sociological  Study. 
1897.     New  York. 
Hadley,  A.  T. 

Standards  of  Public  Morality.     1907.     New  York. 
Hall,  Bolton 

Three  Acres  and  Liberty.     1907.     New  York. 


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Hall,  G.  Stanley 

Adolescence.     Two  volumes.     1904.     New  York. 
Youth,   its   Education,  Regimen,  and   Hygiene.     1906. 
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Halleck,  R.  P. 

Psychology  and  Psychic  Culture.     1895.     New  York. 
Hand,  J.  E.  (editor) 

Ideals  of  Science  and  Faith  (a  series  of  articles).     1904. 
London.     New  York. 
Harrison,  Frederic 

Confessions  of  a  Layman.     1907.     New  York. 
Headley,  F.  W. 

Problems  of  Evolution.     1901.     New  York. 
Henderson,  Charles  R. 

Modern  Methods  of  Charity.     1904.     New  York. 
Social  Duties.     1909.     University  of  Chicago. 
Education  with  Reference  to  Sex.     (In  two  parts.     I. 
Its  Pathological,  Economic  and  Social  Aspects.     II. 
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cago.    See  also  under  Chalmers,  Thomas. 
Hertzka,  Theodor 

Freeland.     1891.     London. 
Hobhouse,  L.  T. 

Morals  in  Evolution.     Two  volumes.     1906.     New  York. 
Hobson,  John  A. 

The  Social  Problem.     1901.     London  and  New  York. 
Howard,  George  E. 

A  History  of  Matrimonial  Institutions.     Three  volumes. 

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Reference  Syllabus  on  General  Sociology.     1907.     Uni- 
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Iles,  George 

Inventors  at  Work.     1906.     New  York. 
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Talks  on  Psychology  and  Life's  Ideals.     Second  edition. 
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Citizenship  and  the  Schools.     1906.     New  York. 
Political  and  Social  Significance  of  the  Life  and  Teachings 
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Johnson,  Alexander  (compiler) 

Guide  to  the  Study  of  Charities  and  Corrections.     1908. 
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Jordan,  F. 

Character  as  seen  in  Body  and  Parentage.     Third  edi- 
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Keller,  A.  G. 

Homeric  Society.     1902.     New  York. 
History  of  Colonization.     1908.     New  York. 

Kelley,  Florence 

Some  Ethical  Gains  through  Legislation.     1906.     New 
York. 

Kellogg,  Vernon  L. 

Darwinism  To-day.     1907.     New  York. 

Kellor,  Frances  A. 

Out  of  Work.     1904.     New  York. 

Kelly,  Howard  A. 

Medical  Gynaecology.     1908.     New  York. 

Kelynack,  T.  N.  (editor) 

The  Drink  Problem  in  its  Medico-Sociological  Aspects. 
1907.     New  York. 
Kidd,  Benjamin 

Social  Evolution.     New  edition.     1898.     New  York. 

The  Control  of  the  Tropics.     1898. 

Western  Civilization.     1902.     New  York. 

Kropotkin,  P. 

Mutual  Aid  a  Factor  in  Evolution.     1902.     New  York. 
Lane,  Michael  A. 

The  Level  of  Social  Motion  (An  inquiry  into  the  future 
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Lea,  Henry  C. 

Superstition  and  Force.     Third  edition.     1878.     Phila- 
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An    Historical    Sketch    of    Sacerdotal   Celibacy   in   the 
Christian  Church.     1867.     Philadelphia. 
Le  Bon,  Gustave 

The  Crowd.     New  Edition.     1903.     New  York. 

The  Psychology  of  Peoples.     1898.     New  York. 

The  Psychology  of  Socialism.     1899.     New  York. 
Lee,  Joseph 

Constructive  and  Preventive  Philanthropy.     1902.    New 
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Leland,  C.  G. 

The  Alternate  Sex.     1904.     New  York. 

Have  You  a  Strong  Will?     1903.     London. 

Letourneau,  Charles 

Sociology  based  on  Ethnology.     Translated  by  H.  M. 
Trollope.     1881.     London. 
Levy-Bruhl,  Lucien 

History  of  Modern  Philosophy  in  France.     1899.     Chi- 
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The  Positive  Philosophy  of  Auguste  Comte.     1903.   New 
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Lloyd,  H.  D. 

Man,  the  Social  Creator.     1907.     New  York. 
Loch,  C.  S.  (editor) 

Methods    of    Social     Advance.     1904.     London.     New 
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LOMBROSO,    CESARE 

L'homme  criminel.     1887.     Paris. 

LORIA,    ACHILLE 

The    Economic    Foundations    of    Society.     1899.     New 
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Lubbock,  Sir  John 

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Lyttelton,  E. 

Training  of  the  Young  in  the  Laws  of  Sex.     1900.     Lon- 
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McCabe,  Joseph 

The  Bible  in  Europe.     1907.     London. 

The  Religion  of  Women.     1908.     London. 
MacCunn,  John 

The  Making  of  Character.     1900.     New  York. 
Mackenzie,  John  S. 

Introduction    to    Social    Philosophy.     Second    edition. 
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Lectures  on  Humanism.     1907.     London. 
McKim,  W.  Duncan 

Heredity  and  Human  Progress.     1900.     London.     New 
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MacPherson,  Hector 

Spencer  and  Spencerism.     1900.     New  York. 
Mallock,  W.  H. 

Aristocracy  and  Evolution.     1898.     New  York. 
Mason,  Otis  Tufton 

Women's  Share  in  Primitive  Culture.     1894.     New  York. 
Mathews,  Shailer 

The  Social  Teachings  of  Jesus.     1897.     New  York. 
Miller,  Kelly 

Race  Adjustment.     1908.     New  York. 
Morgan,  Lewis  H. 

Ancient  Society.     1877.     New  York. 
Morison,  George  S. 

The  New  Epoch.     1903.     New  York  and  Boston. 
Moore,  J.  H. 

The  Universal  Kinship.     1906.     Chicago. 
Morley,  John 

Diderot.     1878.     New  York. 

Rousseau.     1878.     New  York. 
Morris,  William 

News  from  Nowhere.     1890.     Boston. 


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Social  Diseases  and  Marriage.     1904.     Philadelphia  and 
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Nettleship,  R.  L. 

Lectures  on  the  Republic  of  Plato.     Edited  by  G.  R. 
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Nietzsche,  Friedrich 

A  Genealogy  of  Morals.     1896.     Philadelphia. 

The  Dawn  of  Day.     1903.     New  York. 

Beyond  Good  and  Evil.     1907.     New  York. 

Nitti,  F.  S. 

Population    and    the    Social    System.     1894.     London. 
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The    Mystics,    Ascetics,    and    Saints    of    India.     1903. 
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Anthropology   and   Sociology   in   Relation   to   Criminal 
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Parsons,  Elsie  Clews 

The  Family.     1900.     New  York. 
Parsons,  Frank 

Choosing  a  Vocation.     1909.     Boston. 

Patten,  Simon  N. 

The  Theory  of  Social  Forces.     1896.     Annals.     Phila- 
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Heredity  and  Social  Progress.     1903.     New  York. 
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Personal  Hygiene.     1900.     Philadelphia. 
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The   History   of   Mankind.     Two    volumes.     Translated 
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Ratzenhofer,  Gustav 

Die  Sociologische  Erkenntniss.     1898.     Leipzig. 

Soziologie.     1907.     Leipzig. 

See  also  American  Journal  of   Sociology  for  September, 
1904,  pp.  177-188:  "The  Problems  of  Sociology." 
Rauschenbfsch,  Walter 

Christianity  and  the  Social  Crisis.     1907.     New  York. 
Redfield,  Cooper  L. 

Control  of  Heredity.     1903.     Chicago. 
Ripley,  William  J. 

The  Races  of  Europe.     Two  volumes.     1899.     New  York. 
Robertson,  John  M. 

Pioneer  Humanists.     1907.     London. 
Robinson,  Charles  Mulford 

Modern  Civic  Art.     1903.     New  York. 
Romanes,  George  John 

Mental  Evolution  in  Man.     1889.     New  York. 

Animal  Intelligence.     1892.     New  York. 

Mental  Evolution  in  Animals.     1898.     New  York. 


376  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Ross,  Edward  A. 

Social  Control.     1901.     New  York. 

Foundations  of  Sociology.     1905.     New  York. 

Sin  and  Society.     1907.     Boston. 

Social  Psychology.     1908.     New  York. 
Rowntree,  B.  S. 

Poverty,  a  Study  of  Town  Life.     Second  edition.     1902. 
London.     New  York. 
Rowntree  and  Sherwell 

The  Temperance  Problem  and  Social  Reform.     Seventh 
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RUEMELIN,    GUSTAV 

Politics  and  the  Moral  Law.     1901.     New  York. 
Russell,  R. 

First    Conditions    of    Human    Prosperity.     1904.     New 
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Strength  and  Diet.     1905.     New  York. 
Russell,  C.  E.  B.,  and  Rigby,  L.  M. 

The  Making  of  the  Criminal.     1906.     London  and  New 
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Saleeby,  C.  W. 

Evolution:  The  Master-Key.     1906.     New  York. 
Santayana,  George 

Reason  in  Society.     Volume   II   of  series   called   "The 
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Shaler,  N.  S. 

The  Individual.     1900.     New  York. 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY  377 

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In  Quest  of  Light.     1906.     New  York. 
Smyth,  A.  Watt 

Physical  Deterioration.     1904.     London.     New  York. 
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The  World  Machine.     1907.     London.     New  York. 
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Note   in   this   connection    "Epitome   of    the    Synthetic 
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See  under  MacPherson,  Hector.     See  also  Library 
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Spencer  and  Gillen 

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Encyclopedia  of  Face  and  Form  Reading.     Second  edi- 
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Studies  in  the  American  Race  Problem.     1908.     New 
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Religious    Movements    for    Social    Betterment.     1900. 

New  York. 
The  Challenge  of  the  City.     1907.     New  York. 
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378  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Stuckenberg,  J.  H.  W. 

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Folkways.     1907.     Boston. 
Sutherland,  Alexander 

The  Origin  and  Growth  of  the  Moral  Instinct.     Two 
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Limanora,  the  Island  of  Progress.     1903.     New  York. 
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Mind  in  the  Making.     1908.     New  York. 
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Degeneracy,  its  Causes,  Signs  and  Results.     1898.     Lon- 
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Tarde,  Gabriel 

Laws  of  Imitation.     Translated  by  E.  C.  Parsons.     1903# 
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Social  Laws.     Translated  by  H.  C.  Warren.     1899.  New 
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L'opposition  universelle.     1897.     Paris. 

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Hcernes,  Moriz.     Primitive  Man.     1900. 

Macculloch,  J.  A.     Religion.     1904. 
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Contrasts  in  Social  Progress.     1907.     New  York. 


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Thomas,  W.  I. 

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Thomson,  J.  A. 

The  Secret  of  Life.     1901.     London. 

And  see  Geddes  and  Thomson. 
Tolman,  W.  H. 

Social  Engineering.     1908.     New  York. 
Train,  Arthur 

The  Prisoner  at  the  Bar.     1906.     New  York. 
Travis,  Thomas 

The  Young  Malefactor.     1908.     New  York. 
Triggs,  Oscar  L. 

The  Changing  Order.     1905.     Chicago. 
Veblen,  Thorstein  B. 

Theory  of  the  Leisure  Class.     1899.     New  York. 

Theory  of  Business  Enterprise.     1904.     New  York. 
Vincent,  George  E. 

The  Social  Mind  and  Education.     1897.     New  York. 
Vivian,  P. 

The  Churches  and  Modern  Thought.     1908.     London. 
Wallace,  Alfred  R. 

The  Wonderful  Century.     1898.     New  York. 

Progress  of  the  Century.     1901.     New  York. 
Wallis,  Louis 

An  Examination  of  Society  from  the  Standpoint  of  Evo- 
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Ward,  C.  Osborne 

The  Ancient  Lowly.     (A  history  of  ancient  working  peo- 
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Ward,  Lester  Frank 

Dynamic  Sociology.     Two  volumes.     1883.     New  York. 

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Applied  Sociology.     1906.     Boston. 


380  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Warner,  Amos  G. 

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Webster,  Hutton 

Primitive  Secret  Societies.     1908.     New  York. 

Wells,  H.  G. 

Anticipations.     1902.     London.     New  York. 
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Westermarck,  E. 

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White,  Andrew  D. 

A  History  of  the  Warfare  of  Science  with  Theologj   in 
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Williams,  C.  M. 

A  Review  of  Evolutional  Ethics.     1893.     London.     New 
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Willson,  Robert  N. 

The  American  Boy  and  the  Social  Evil.     1905.     Phila- 
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Winship,  Albert  E. 

Jukes-Edwards.     1900.     Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania. 

Wood,  Wallace  (editor) 

Ideals   of    Life.      A    symposium    on    the    coming   man. 
1892.     New  York. 

Wright,  Carroll  D. 
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Zueblin,  Charles 

The  Religion  of  a  Democrat.     1908.     New  York. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  381 

The  sociological  journals  best  known  in  this  country  are: 

American  Journal  of  Sociology,  published  bimonthly  from 
July,  1895.  University  of  Chicago.  The  official  organ  of  the 
American  Sociological  Society. 

The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Science,  published  bimonthly  from  July,  1890.     Philadelphia. 

The  Sociological  Review,  published  quarterly,  from  January, 
1908,  taking  the  place  of  the  Sociological  Papers  issued  from 
1905-1907  by  the  Sociological  Society  of  England.  Manchester 
and  London. 

Revue  Internationale  de  Sociologie,  published  monthly  from 

1893.  Paris. 

Annates  de  Vlnstitut  International  de  Sociologie,  issued  from 

1894.  Paris. 

For  studies  in  practical  and   current   topics  of  social  reform 
the  best-known  publications  are: 

The  Survey  (the  name  assumed  April  3,  1909,  formerly  Chari- 
ties and  the  Commons),  published  weekly  by  the  Charity  Organi- 
zation Society  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

The  Proceedings  (annual)  of  the  National  Conference  of  Chari- 
ties and  Corrections.  For  guide  to  these,  note  reference  under 
Johnson,  Alexander. 

Other  magazines  and  quarterlies  may  be  found  listed  in 
Warner's  "Charities"  and  in  Howard's  "Syllabus."  See 
page  363. 


INDEX 


Abnegation,  266,  319. 
Abstract  science,  21-27. 
Accidentals,  267. 
Accidents,  300,  302. 
Achievement,  Achievements,  39, 
43,  59,  67,  Chapter  III,  90, 
182,  356. 
Animal,  58-60,  90. 
are  mental,  60-61. 
as  civilization,  58,  63. 
Conscious,  59-60. 
Cultural,    67,    168-169,    175- 

177. 
Economic,  223-228,  238. 
Genetic,  176,  247. 
Ideals  of,  63,  361. 
Material,  64. 

Multiplication  of,  252-253. 
Scientific,  6,  24,  167. 
Telic,  176-177. 
Activities,  Activity,  Prohibitions 
on,  see  Prohibitions. 
Regulations    of,    see    Regula- 
tion. 
Social,  23,  24,  51,  79,  91,  354- 
356. 
Adaptability,    Social,    260-261, 

272. 
Adolescent  period,  122,  174,  245, 
308,  313,  319,  320,  342,  343. 
Advertisements,  Advertiser,  83, 
87,  329-330. 


Affection,   Affections,    113,    111. 

117-122.     See  Desires. 
Age,  Dynamic,  266. 
of  discussion,  84-86. 
of  the  earth,  191-192. 
of  transition,  152,  226,  306. 
The  psychozoic,  191,  192. 
Aged,  The,  55,  69,  176,  194,  225, 

299. 
Agencies,  of  society,  51,  87,  241, 
338. 
Educational,    see    Education. 
Agricultural  civilization,  71,  99- 
104,  167.     See  Civilization, 
Patriarchal. 
Mental  characteristics  of,  100, 
113,  202-203,  261. 
Agriculture,  48,  49,  55,  64. 
Aim    of    education,  see  Educa- 
tion. 
Aims,  Social,  24,  37,  40,  107,  180. 

See  Goal. 
Alchemy,  25. 
Alcoholic   beverages,    190,    327- 

334. 
Almsgiving,  162,  298,  299,  303. 
Altruism,  122,  153,  302. 
Racial,  47,  202. 
Social,  39,  45,   161-165,    187, 
299. 
Amalgamation,  55-56,   70,   125, 
202-203. 


383 


384 


INDEX 


Amalgamation,  Evils  in,  208-209. 
Racial,  204-209,  277. 
The  final,  206-207. 
Ambitions,    78,    263-264,  -  282, 

317-318. 
America,  American,  71,  97,  209- 

292,  351 .    See  United  States. 
Latin,  102,  207,  293. 
Anachronism,  An,  146. 
Ancestors,  54,  57,  116,  169,  253, 

353. 
of  man,  Animal,  42,  44,  110, 

200. 
Animal,  achievement,  58-60,  90. 

family,  58-59. 
Animals,    Domestication   of,  see 

Domestication. 
Animistic,  138-140. 
Anthropocentric,    Sociology    is, 

39. 
Anthropological,    Anthropology, 

30,  42,  44,  45,  76,  94,  200. 
Appetites,  Physical,  175,  234. 
Applications,    of    principles    to 

phenomena,  26-27,  39,  86- 

87,  197. 
of  social  psychology  to  social 

progress,  Chapter  XIV. 
of  sociological  teaching  to  so- 
cial problems,  Part  II. 
Applied  science,  22,  26,  27,  33. 
Approbation,  Social,  266. 
"Arabian  Nights,"  Reference  to 

the,  278,  301. 
Archeological,    Archeology,    30, 

34. 
Aristocracy,     Aristocratic,     52, 

102,     126-127,      182.       See 

Classes,  Privileged. 


Aristotle,  33,  108,  293. 

Armour    Institute    of    Chicago, 

278. 
Art,  Artistic,  238. 
Arts,  The,  28,  39. 

fine,  27. 

industrial,  27,  65,  230. 
Assimilation,  53-56,  70. 
Association,  Associations, 

Human,  23,  24,  31,  33,  34. 

International,    8S,    134,    161, 
196. 
Astrology,  25. 
Astronomical,  Astronomy,  21-23, 

28,  32,  37,  39. 
Atavism,  304. 
Atheism,  139. 
Athletics,  155,  171. 
Attitude  of  mind,  An,  25,  351 
Authority,  46,  124,  129,  145.  ' 

Band,  The  hunting  or  war,  41, 

45-48,    55,     93,     124.     See 

Horde. 
Bellamy,  Edward,  39,  198. 
Bertillon  system,  The,  307. 
Betterment,  Social,  5,  6,  19,  284. 
Bible,  Allusions  to  the,  43,  44, 

50,  57,  66,  67,  85,  100,  101, 

107,  117,  137,  147,  208,  253, 

303,  308,  356,  360. 
Quotations  from  the,  57,  67, 

86,  162,  338,  352. 
Biological,   Biology,  21-23,  28- 

30,  32,  37,  40,  74,  75,  123, 

251. 
Birth-rate,  The,   121,  205,  209, 

214,  316-317. 
Bismarck  quoted,  294. 


INDEX 


385 


Border  lands  of  science,  26,  31, 

77. 
Botany,  30. 
Boycott,  The,  329. 
Brennus,  The  sword  of,  294. 
Brotherhood  of  man,  The,   122, 

162,  294,  356,  360-361.    See 

Fraternity,  Humanitarian. 
Buddha,  Buddhism,  268,  294. 
Bunyan's  "Pilgrim's  Progress" 

referred  to,  246,  248. 
Bushido,  154. 

Burns,  Robert,  quoted,  162. 
Business,  27,  108,  155,  229,  288. 
Honesty  in,  237-238,  297. 
men,  66,  235-238,  347. 

Csesar  referred  to,  97,  101,  264. 
Cannibalism,  49,  101,  291. 
Capacity,    Dormant,    see    Dor- 
mant. 
Capponi,  Gino,  quoted,  157. 
Caste,  Castes,  102,  126,  213. 
Castration,  319. 
Catholicism,  204. 
Causation,  54,  274,  341. 
Causes,  of  poverty,  300. 

Ultimate,  20. 
Celibacy,  91,  114,  214,  264,  319. 

Evils  of,  317-31S. 
Celibates,  Classes  of,  214,  316- 

317. 
Century,    The    eighteenth,    44, 
116,  194,  201. 

The  nineteenth,   19,  21,   194, 
210,  278,  292. 
Chance,  139,  195. 
Change,  Social,  194-195,  352. 
Changes,  Dynamic,  see  Dynamic. 


Chaos,  68, 166,  198. 

Charities  and  the  Commons,  see 

Survey. 
Charity,  189,  241,  299-303. 
may  be  injurious,    109,    300, 

303. 
Preventive  measures  in,  213, 
300. 
Chastity,    114,    116,    149,    31S, 

321,  325. 
Chaucer  quoted,  153. 
Chemical,  Chemistry,  21-24,  28- 

30,  32,  37,  40. 
Chicanery,  158,  310. 
Child-labor,  see  Labor. 
Children,  120-121,  171-172,  179, 
182,  299,  302,  308. 
of  leisure  classes,  see  Leisure 
Class. 
China,  71,  102, 172,  177, 193,  207. 
Chivalry,  116,  118,  235,  343. 
Choice,  of  ends,  see  Ends. 

of  an   occupation,   see   Occu- 
pation. 
Christ,  50,  153. 
Christianity,  116,  203-204,  294, 

359-360. 
Church,  Churches,  115,  155,  244, 
308,  330,  338,  357-358. 
as  a  social  institution,  36,  65, 

143-146. 
defined,  143. 
membership,  111,  145. 
Relations  of  the  state  to  the, 

129,  131,   144-145. 
The    Positivist,  25,   357.     See 
Religion. 
City,  The,  103,  127,  278.    See  Ur- 
ban. 


386 


INDEX 


Civic        federation,        National, 

88. 
Civil  laws,  see  Laws. 
Civilization,  19,  23,  Chapter  III, 
90,  282-283. 

Agricultural,  see  Agricultural. 

as  achievement,  58,  63. 

Beginnings  of,  46,  50. 

Cultural,  see  Cultural. 

Development  of,  239. 

Dynamic,  see  Dynamic. 

Handicaps  to,  see  Handicaps. 

High,  50,  108,  152,  174. 

Material,  61-62,  166-168, 
Chapter  XII;  defined,  61. 

Patriarchal,  41,  117,  120,  124- 
125,  140,  323.  -See  Agricul- 
tural. 

Plane  of,  233. 

Primitive,  30,  49,  98,  272. 

Prophets  of,  19,  57. 

Relation  of  cultural  to  ma- 
terial, 62-63, 166-168,  Chap- 
ter XII. 

Static  (Stationary),  see  Static. 

Tabu,  150. 

Telic,  235,  272. 

Test  of,  282. 

Trend  of,  see  Trend. 

Western,  41,  71,  128,  194,  290, 
337. 
Class,  83. 

consciousness,  154. 

distinctions  in  culture,  234- 
235,  265-266. 

Middle,  108,  127. 

morality,  154-160,  208. 

struggle,  86,  159. 
Classes,  213. 


Classes,  of  celibates,  214,  316-317. 
Privileged,  107,  222.     See  Lei- 
sure Class. 
Social,  126. 
The  real,  182-183. 

Classification  of  the  Sciences,  see 
Sciences. 

Clergy,  The,  83,   139,  214,  317, 
331.     See  Priesthood. 

Climate,  80,  96,  201,  214-216. 

Code,  Codes,  142. 

Codes  of  Morals,  see  Morals. 

Codification,  143. 

Cohesion,  Group,  157. 

Collective  telesis,  80. 

College,    Colleges,    6,    172,    239, 
246,  254,  344. 
degree,  The,  344.     See  Curric- 
ulum, University. 

Colony,    The    disciplinary,    153, 
302,  311,  312,  336. 
The  industrial,  322. 

Colonization,  127. 

Columbus,  194,  351. 

Commandments,  The,  147. 

Commentaries,  156,  306. 

Commerce,  53,  55,  71,  96,  103- 
104,  140. 
Its  influence  on  the  state,  127- 
134. 

Commissions,  88,  196,  223,  310. 

Commonwealths,  38. 

Communal  property,   see  Prop- 
erty. 

Competition,  50,  64,  277. 
in  economic  life,  66,  205. 

Complexity  of  the  sciences,  see 
Sciences. 

Compromise,  The,  259. 


INDE.v 


387 


Comte,  Auguste,  19-22,  25,  34, 
36,  37,  356. 

Concrete,  The,  21,  26-30,  36. 

Conditions,  see  for  reference  the 
particular  word  modifying 
this  term. 

Conduct,  see  Prohibitions,  Regu- 
lations. 

Conflict,  Social,  53-54,  82. 

Conflicting  standards,  see  Crimes, 
Morals. 

Conjugal  relationship,  115-119, 
319,  320,  324-327,  350. 

Conquest,  55. 

of  nature,  see  Nature. 

Conscience,  122,  160,  189,  292. 
Freedom  of,  143,  164. 
Social,  62,  152.    See  Freedom. 

Conscious  imitation,  see  Imita- 
tion. 

Conscious  reasoning,  see  Reason- 
ing. 

Consciousness,  Class,  154. 
Social,  86,  356. 

Conservatism,  Natural,  56,  60, 
69,  80,  193,  272. 

Contagion,  Social,  83,  85,  269. 

Control,  Social,  83,  88-89,  198, 
258-259,  263-269,  280-281. 

Conversion,  176. 

Codperation,  Social,  38, 39,  79, 89. 

Coordination  of  the  sciences,  see 
Sciences 

Corporations,  158,  242,  278,  306. 

Correctional,see  Colonies, Schools. 

Cosmic,  32,  34,  51,  64,  139,  145, 
218,  245,  259,  357. 

Cosmology,  139. 

Cosmopolitan,  128,  161. 


Cotton,  Cotton-gin,  71,  275. 
Creations,  Human,  32,  64. 

Natural,  30,  64. 
Crime,  Crimes, 

are  unnatural,  313. 
Conflicting  standards  in,  305- 

306,  308-309. 
Development  of,  304-306. 
Lessening  of,  311-313. 
Punishment  for,  148,  306-307. 
Remedies  for,  307-308,  336. 
Criminal,  code,  306,  313. 

laws,  148,  296,  306,  310,  312, 

336. 
practice,  311. 
Crowd,  The,  45,  270. 
Crowd,  Psychology  of  the,  83- 

85,  269. 
Crozier,  John  Beattie,  249. 
Cruelty,  144,  148,  163. 

of  nature,  48,  187,  283. 
Cultural,  Culture, 

achievements,     see     Achieve- 
ments, 
civilization,    62-63,    119,    136. 
See  Chapter  XII. 
defined,  62,   167,   168,  236. 
Class  distinctions  in,  234-235, 

265-266. 
desires,  175. 

development,  40,  79,  166-183. 
education,  173,  242. 
ideals  and  ideas,  61,  62,   79, 
170,    239,    247,    249,     343. 
See  Civilization,  Material. 
Curriculum,  The,  172,  255. 
Custom,  Customs,  19,  46,  52,  54, 
68-72,  95. 
Primitive,  146-147. 


388 


INDEX 


Darwin,  Charles  R.,  59,  219. 
Darwinism,  74,  289,  291. 
Data,  see  Sciences,  Sociology. 
Dead  line,  The,  69. 
Deductions,  Deductive,  20. 
Degenerate,  stocks,  307-308, 311. 
members  of  the  leisure  class, 

see  Leisure  Class, 
races,  see  Races. 
Degeneration,  170,  205,  208,  272, 

303. 
Democracies,  132. 
Democracy,     Democratic,     108, 
125-137,  223,  256-257,  289, 
356. 
Conditions  suitable  for,   132- 
133. 
Depravity,    Natural,    149,    164, 

241,  306,  311,  334. 
Desires,  The,  78-79,  92,  93,  175, 
263. 
Sexual,  see  Sexual  Feelings. 
Deterioration,  see  Degeneration, 

Races. 
Determining  influence  of  condi- 
tions,   80-81,    96,    231-233. 
See     Economic,      Environ- 
ment. 
Development,  Cultural,  see  Cul- 
tural. 
Early  social,  Chapter  II. 
Economic,  96-109. 
Genetic,  see  Genetic. 
Human,  see  Progress, 
in  civilization,  see  Civilization. 
Intellect,   as  a  factor  in,   see 

Intellect, 
of  social  institutions,  Chapters 
V-VIII. 


Development,    Stages    in,    147, 
149;  150,  221,  226,  264,  281- 
283,  295-296. 
Telic,  84,  119,  133,  340-341. 
Theories  of  social,  51-57. 

Devine,  Edward  T.,  304. 

Dexter,  Edwin  Grant,  81. 

Dickens,  Charles,  quoted,  245, 
310. 

Dietetics,  240,  290,  319,  335. 

Disciplinary  colonies,  see  Colony. 

Discipline  in  family  and  school, 
150,  153,  265. 

Discoveries,  Scientific,  see  Scien- 
tific. 

Discussion,  Age  of,  84-86. 

Disease,  Diseases,  6,  188-189, 
214,  300-301.     See  Sexual. 

Distinctions,  Class,  see  Class. 

Divine,  Divinity,  36,  67,  139, 
145,  188.     See  God,  Gods. 

Divorce,  114,  119,  129,  150,  324. 

Dogma,  Dogmas,  71,  248,  255. 

Dogmatic  attitude  of  mind,  141, 
244,  261-262,  360. 

Dogmatism,  38, 142, 145, 196, 212. 

Domestication  of  Animals,  48, 
49,  55,  64,  99. 

Dormant  capacity  or  energy,  72, 
81,  82,  167,  179-183,  212, 
232. 

Drunkard,  153,  336. 

Drunkenness,  312,  331-337. 
Regulation  of,   336.     See  In- 
temperance. 

Dynamic,  age,  266. 
changes,  82,  96,  170. 
civilization,  70,  151,  156,  192, 
194,  250. 


INDEX 


389 


Dynamic,  conditions,  84. 
defined,  69-71. 
energy,  78. 

Earth,  The,  20,  24,  30,  50,  73. 

Age  of,  191-192. 
East,  The,  141,  194,  195,  266. 
Economic,     achievements,      see 

Achievements, 
competition,  66,  205. 
conditions,  96-102,  213,  215- 

216,  218,  321,  322. 
determinism,  SO,  215-216.  See 

Determinism, 
development,  96-109. 
factors  in  social  progress,  68, 

94-95,  Chapter  XL 
interests,  221-222,  297. 
interpretation  of  history,  94, 

198,  274. 
problems  of  the  United  States, 

see  United  States, 
standards,  213,  237-238. 
Economics,  33,  34,  40. 
Economy,    Pain    and    pleasure, 

163,  164,  188,  359. 
Education,  178-179,  330-331. 
Agencies     for,     5,     250,    290, 

336. 
Aim  of,  27,  244-245. 
as  a  factor  in  social  progress, 

133,  Chapter  XIII. 
as  a  factor  in  temperance,  330- 

331. 
Change  through,  86. 
Compulsory,     171-173,     282, 

290. 
Cultural,  173,  242. 
Higher,  172,  255-257. 


Education,  Indust.-ial,  204,  228- 
230,  242,  255. 
in  sexuality,  123, 316, 319-320, 

325-326. 
in  the  United  States,  278-279. 
Opportunities  for,  131, 173,257. 
Public,  78,  136,  229-230,  243- 

244,  296. 
Science  of,  27,  243. 
Systems  of,  71,  ISO. 
Edwards,  R.  H.,  226,  276,  304, 

337. 
Eighteenth  century,  see  Century. 
El  Dorado,  47. 
Elijah's  prayer,  262. 
Elimination,  2S1-282. 

of  social  evils,   176,  Chapters 

XV-XVII. 
of  the  higher,  211. 
of  the  vicious,  115,  316. 
of  the  weak,  50,  72,  211,  213, 

284-286,  316. 
of  waste,  see  Waste,  and  Se- 
gregation. 
Elite,  The,   173,   1S2,  232,  271, 

324,  326. 
Elysium,  5. 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  231. 
Emigration,  see  Migration. 
Empirical,  27,  45,  83. 
Ends,  Choice  of,  347-350. 
Energy,  24,  78. 

Control  of  social,  see  Control 

Social. 
Dormant,  see  Dormant. 
Misdirected,  306. 
Social,  222,  280-283,  361. 
Environing    conditions,     63-64, 
68,  334-335,  341-342. 


390 


INDEX 


Environment,  68.     See  Chapter 
XI. 
Changing  or  varying,  55. 
Fixed  or  static,  54. 
for  primitive  man,  44-48. 
Influence  of  physical,   80-81. 

See  Economic. 
Influence  on  religion,  140-141. 
Man  determined  by,  217,  231- 

232.     See  Determining, 
modified  by  the  intellect,  24, 
64,  97,  216-221. 
Equality,  Human,  116,  201. 
Equilibrium,  53,  71. 
Error,  Errors,  36,  248,  262. 
Esthetic,    The,    27,   43,   65",   95, 
140,  16S-169,  174,  239,  343. 
See  Art. 
Ethical,  reforms,  165. 
standards,  62,  209. 
Ethics,  22,  33,  34,  36,  310. 
Humanitarian,   161-165. 
Natural,  293-294. 
of  sexuality,  318,  324-327. 
Social,  159,  320-321. 
Sociological,      358-301.      See 
Moral,  Morals. 
Ethnography,  30. 
Ethnological,  Ethnology,  30,  34, 
42,    45,    SO,    81,    94,     138, 
200. 
Etiquette,  The  rules  of,  151. 
Eugenics,  212-213. 
Europe,  71,  102,   126,   198,  211, 

312,  329,  332. 
Evils,  265,  280-281,  321. 
in  amalgamation,  208-209. 
of  celibacy,  317-318. 
Social,  40,  285-286. 


Evils,  The  elimination  of  social, 
176,  Chapters  XV-XVII. 

Evolution,  51,  341,  355. 
of  life,  30,  42,  78,  110. 
Social,  35,  51,  166. 
Telic,  198-199. 

Exactness  of  knowledge,  21-23, 
26.     See  Positivity. 

Experiment,  27,  39,  59,  341. 

Experience,   5,   20,   27,   47,   86, 
122,  193. 

Exploit,  Exploiting,  62,  126. 

Exploitation,  161,  187,  226,  291- 
297,  360. 

Extermination,  202.     See  Segre- 
gation. 

Factors,   in  social  progress,   see 
Progress. 

Racial,  see  Racial. 
Fads,  87,  98,  269,  346. 
Family,  The,  37,  46,  110-123. 

affection,  see  Affection. 

Discipline  in,  see  Discipline. 

Kinship  in  the,  see  Kinship. 

The  animal,  58-59. 
Fatalism,  Fatalist,  195,  266,  279. 
Fate,  195. 

Faunce,  William  H.  P.,  357. 
Feelings,  The,  45,  342.     See  De- 
sires. 

as  social  forces,  78-80. 

as    the    primary   part   of   the 
mind,  78,  90,  314-315. 
Female,  The,  100,  101,  149,  323- 

327.     See  Woman. 
Fervor,  Religious,  25. 
Fetishism,  138. 
Filiation,  22,  23,  91. 


INDEX 


391 


Fine  arts,  The,  see  Arts. 
Finite,  Finiteness,  20,  25,  28,  37, 

67.     See  Mind. 
Flexibility,  260,  341,  353-356. 
Flora  and  fauna,  30,  220. 
Food,  Foods,  40,  47-48,  55,  79, 

98-101,  105,  215-216,  241. 
Preservation  of,  98-99. 
Forces,  Social,  6,  89,  91-92,  263- 

265,  282,  319.    See  Feelings. 
Forces,    Utilization   of   natural, 

see  Utilization. 
Foresight,  122,  210,  274,  278. 
Forethought,  75,  99,  100. 
Forms  of  government,  see  Gov- 
ernment. 
Fossils,  30. 
France,    French,    44,    132,    162, 

163,  177,  194,  235. 
Fraternalism,  304. 
Fraternities,  111,  157,  299. 
Freedom,  in  marriage  contract, 

115,  119-120,  150. 
in  morality,  160,  163. 
of  speech  and  thought,    131, 

248,  254.     See  Conscience. 
Friction,  Social,  82-S3,  86,  170. 
Fundamentals,   Social,   80,    125, 

197-198,  244,  284,  291. 

Galton,  Francis,  212-213. 
Games,  224,  266.    See  Play. 
Generalizations,  20-29,  152. 
Genetic,  178    195.  274-279. 

Defined,  67. 

development,  67,  82,  84,  107, 
133,  155,  176,  202,  210,  235. 

growth,  84. 

waste,  178-181. 


Genius,  68, 82,2  35-240,  267-269. 
Genius,  The,  53,  83,  235,  256. 
Geology,  30,  251. 
Germany,  97,  101,  128,  207,  300. 
Giddings,  Frank  H.,  22,  54,  76. 
Gilds,  224,  225. 

Goal,  The  social,  35,  37,  72,  80, 
165,  189,  249,  285-286,  338. 
See  Aim,  Ideal. 
God,  82,  111,  140-141,  144. 
Gods,  The,  44,  67,  126,  139.     See 

Divine. 
Good,  The,  65,  67,  166,  169. 
Goodness,  Social,  169. 
Government,  40,  65,  71,  93,  193, 
342. 
Forms  of,  125,  222.     See  Aris- 
tocratic, Democratic. 
Machinery    of,    134,   222-223, 
342. 
Grail,  The  holy,  250. 
Greek,  43,    127,    140,    166,    169, 

173,  248. 
Gregarious,  45. 

Group,  The,  30,  31,  32,  41,  65, 
67,  196,  233,  252,  253. 
beliefs,  31. 
cohesion,  157. 
morality,  157-160. 
Primitive,  43-44,  52,  54,  95, 

200. 
safety,  46,  47,  147,  159. 
Social,  50,  75,   150-160. 
utility,  46,  111. 

Hall,  G.  Stanley,  320. 
Handicaps,  108,  239,  315. 

to  civilization,  38,   191,  203- 
204,  273. 


392 


INDEX 


Handicaps,  to  progress,  6,  24,  61, 
69,  189,  272. 

Happiness,  Human,  38,  134, 
163-165,  175,  188-189,  239, 
252,  282,  350. 

Harrison,  Frederic,  25. 

Heaven,  359. 

Hector's  prayer,  262. 

Hell,  164,  359, 

Henderson,  Charles  R.,  304,  326, 
357. 

Heresy,  144,  169. 

Heredity,  174,  212-213, 235,  259, 
306. 

Heritage,  Social,  360. 

Hierarchy,  142,  247. 

''High  finance,"  294. 

Hindrances,  see  Handicaps. 

History,    Economic    interpreta- 
tion of,  94,  274. 
Materialistic  interpretation  of, 
198. 

Honesty  in  business,  see  Business. 

Honor,  154-155. 

Hope,  39,  218. 
The  stimulus  of,  266. 

Hopefulness,  Social,  106,  272, 
279-280. 

Horde,  The,  see  Group,  Primi- 
tive. 

Hours  of  labor,  see  Labor. 

Housing  conditions,  181,  211, 
241,  321,  333,  335. 

Hubbard,  Elbert,  236. 

Human  nature,  150,  238,  348. 

Humanitarian  ethics,  161-165. 
progress,  see  Progress. 

Humanitarianism,  52,  112,  141, 
189,  255,  294,  299,  356. 


Humanity,  206. 

The  perfection  of,  193,  361. 
Hunting,  band,  The,  see  Band. 
Huxley,    Thomas    Henry,    166, 

248. 
Hypnotism,  Social,  83. 
Hypotheses,  26,  34,  38,  42. 

Idea,  Ideas,  21,  47,  55,  61,  68. 

Cultural,  see  Cultural. 
Ideal,  The  social,~256-257,  Chap- 
ter XIX.     See  Goal. 
Idealism,  25,  245,  271. 

Moral,  164-165. 
Ideals,  55. 

Cultural,  see  Cultural. 

Modern,  356. 

of  achievement,  63,  361. 

of  morality,  117-122. 

Personification  of,  122. 
Ignorance,    147,    150,    181,   270, 
287-291,  296,  300. 

Maternal,  121. 
Illusion,  167,  262,  269,  361. 
Imagination,  39,  71,  173. 
Imitation,  53,  54,  61,  168. 

Conscious,  60,  88. 
•     Rational,  87-S8. 

Semi-conscious,  87. 

Social,  46,  52-54,  56,   68,  81, 
S4,  95,  206,  235. 
Immigration,  209-211,  275-277. 
Immorality,  Sexual,  314-327. 
Immortality,  36,  188,  359-360. 
Immortals,  The,  66,  257. 
India,  60,  86,  102,  126,  166,  207, 

351. 
Individual,  32,  46,  67,  82,  283- 
284. 


INDEX 


393 


Individual,  psychology,  76. 
Individualism,  39,  46,  258-259. 
a  social  necessity,  270-271. 
defined,  270. 
Individualistic,  115,  143,  354. 

codes  of  morals,  160. 
Individuality,  269-27 1 .    See  Per- 
sonality. 
Individuals,    The    progress    of, 

Chapter  XVIII. 
Inductive  method  of  study,  20, 

35,  71. 
Industrial  arts,  27,  65,  230. 
colonies,  322.     See  Colony, 
education,  see  Education. 
Industries,   The,   69,    103,    180- 

181.     See  Manufactures. 
Inertia,  56,  68,  193,  251,  352. 
Infanticide,  55. 

Influence  of  woman,  see  Woman. 
Information,  20,  25,  26,  29,  75, 

344.     See  Education. 
Initiative,     Private,     107,     229, 

258-259. 
Innovations,  6,"  53,  54,  56,  57, 

196,  258. 
Innovator,  The,  55,  248. 
Insight,   65,   78,    107,    140,    191, 

271,  280.     See  Intuition. 
Instinct,  Instincts,  59,  60,  90. 
Institutions,  Social,  36,  40,  47, 
91-92,  259-261. 
defined,  92-93. 

Development  of,  51,  Chapters 
V-VIII. 
Insurance,  German  system  of ,  300. 
Intellect,  75,  90-91,  268,  285. 
as  a  factor  in  development, 
52-53,  106,  359-360. 


Intellect,  as  a  guide  to  the  feel- 
ings, 78,  90-91,  93. 
as  a  modifier  of  environment, 

64,  97,  216-220. 
Growth    of   the,    44,    46,    79. 

See  Mind. 
Historical    development    and 
training  of  the,  343-347. 
Intemperance,  38,  327-337. 
Evils  of,  327. 
Physiological  aspects  of,  333- 

334. 
Psychological  aspects  of,  332- 

333. 
Suggestions  in  respect  to,  328- 
332. 
Interests,  41,  53,  68,  83,  84,  91, 
196,  268,  295-296. 
Clash  of,  86,  158-160. 
Regulation  of  economic,  221- 

222. 
Unity  of,  297. 
International    associations,     88, 

134,  161,  196. 
Interpretation,  74,  92,  156.     See 

History. 
Introspective,  20,  31. 
Intuition,  38,  78,  345.     See  In- 
sight. 
Invention,    6,    32,    71,    103-105, 

174,  227,  241,  257. 
Inventors,  219,  227-228. 
Investigations,  29,  96,  187. 

Jail,  The,  153,  312. 

Japan,  Japanese,   71,   154,   194, 

196,  206,  238. 
Judgments,  152,  173'  269,  273. 
Jukes,  The,  304. 


394 


INDEX 


Jukes-Edwards,  308. 
Juvenile  court,  30S,  312. 

Kant,  Immanuel,  249. 
Kin,  Kindred,  Kinship,  41,  45, 
46,  52,  54,  65,  294,  299. 
denned,  110-111. 
Kipling's       "  Captains      Coura- 
geous," 322. 
Kropotkin,  Prince,  59. 
Knowledge,  20-40,  287-291. 
Absolute,  20,  248,  262. 
Availability  for  progress,  197. 
Exactness  of,  21-23,  26. 
Importance  of,   20,   28,   346- 

347. 
Positivity  or   verifiability  of, 

20,  21,  35,  40. 
Relativity  of,  20,  37,  261-263. 
Scientific,  20,  28,  32,  35,  36, 

39. 
Unity  of,  22,  25,  28,  34,  38, 

67,  250. 
Utility  of,  245-249. 
Kulpe,  Oswald,  36. 

Labor,  100,  224,  294-295. 
Child,  277,  278,  335. 
Hours  of,  106,  134,  181. 
unions,  221,  226,  229-230,  241. 
Unskilled,  106,  134,  181,  208- 
211,  218,  242,  276-277,  333. 
See  Colony,  Proletariat. 
Laboratory,      The,      174,     223, 

247. 
Land,  The,  45,  49,  242,  275. 
Language,  30,  47,  56,  60,  65,  66; 

168,  243,  244,  290. 
Latent,  see  Dormant. 


Latin  America,  102,  207,  293. 
Law,  Laws,  40,  65,  115,  135,  310. 
Civil,  125,  290,  298. 
Criminal,  148,  296,  306,  310, 

312,  336. 
Natural,  24,  37. 
Scientific,    25-27,    135.      See 
Sociological. 
Lawmaking,  132,  135-137. 
Law  schools,  310. 
Lawyer,  The,  158,  295,  310. 
Lea,  Henry  C,  148,  318. 
Leaders  in   society,    68,    82-86, 
188,  235,  247,  253,  283-284, 
348-349.    See  Businessmen. 
"Leading  citizens,"  304,  305. 
League  for  the  protection  of  the 

family,  123. 
Le  Bon,  Gustave,  84. 
Legal  system,  107,  295,  310. 
Legislation,  135-136,  156. 

Commission  on  uniform,  223. 
Scientific,  108,  136. 
Legislative     reference     bureau, 

The,  223.    ' 
Legislators,  214,  310. 
Leisure,  62,  105,  167. 
Leisure  class,  The,  63,  116,  121, 
125,  159,  167,  170-183,  232- 
239,  247,  256,  292,  298. 
Children  of,  120,  171-172. 
defined,  102,  232. 
Degenerate   members   of,    63, 
102,  170,  176,  232-233,  321. 
Membership  in,  134,  170,  176- 

183. 
Priestly,  170.     See  Elite. 
Leland,  C.  G.,  326,  343. 
Levy-Bruhl,  Lucien,  22,  37,  194. 


INDEX 


395 


Liberty  of  conscience,  see  Con- 
science. 
License  system,  The,  32S. 
Life,  23,  32. 

and  property,  155. 

Sanctity  of,  320. 

Standards    of,    46,     105-106, 

108,  206-207. 
The  simple,  39,  43,  103,   166, 

231,  285. 
The  strenuous,  194. 
worth  living,   175,  252,  361. 
Logic,    logical,    21-25,    34,    65, 

91. 
Love,    90,    323-324.     See   Con- 
jugal, Maternal. , 
Luck,  138,  176. 
Lynching,  83,  305. 

Machiavelli,    Niccolo,    157,   294, 

305. 
Machinery,  60. 

Governmental,    134,   222-223, 

342. 
Mental,  345. 
Social,  222,  353. 
Mackenzie,  J.  S.,  36,  74,  255. 
Magic,  25. 
Male,  The,    100,    101,    111,   114, 

119,  149,  322-326. 
Malthus,  Malthusianism,  48-49, 

55,  100,  106,  187-188. 
Man,  Animal  descent  of,  42,  44, 
110,  200. 
Brotherhood  of,  see  Brother- 
hood, 
determined   by   environment, 

see  Determining, 
non-social  by  nature,  45. 


Man,   Primitive  or  Savage,  see 
Primitive. 

Manufactures,  96,  103-104. 

Marriage,  211,  316-319,  323-327. 
Freedom  of  contract  in,   115, 

119-120,  150. 
The  institution  of,  65,  93,  112. 
Monogamous,    59,     112,     113, 

116-120,  318. 
Permanency  of,  112,  115. 
Polygamous,  59,  116,  117,  120. 
Prohibitions  on,  115,  316. 
Regulations   of,    93,    95,    112, 
115,  150.     See  Mating. 

Martyrdom,  57,  86. 

Masturbation,  317,  318. 

Material  civilization,  see  Civiliza- 
tion, Cultural. 

Materialistic    interpretation    of 
history,  198. 

Materials,   Natural,  see  Utiliza- 
tion. 

Maternal,  45,  52,  110,   120-121, 
164,  193. 

Mathematics,  21-23,  26,  28,  65, 
211,  243,  290. 

Mating,    The   basis   of,    79,    95, 
112-113,  326. 

Medical  science,  322.     See  Phy- 
sician. 

Memorization,  Memory,  60,  244, 
344,  345. 

Mental  processes,  The,  344-346. 
See  Intellect,  Mind. 

Mental    characteristics    of,     see 
Agriculture,  Primitive. 

Mentality,  see  Mind. 

Metaphysical,    20.     See    Philos- 
ophy. 


396 


IXDKX 


Middle  class,  The,  see  Class. 
Might  is  right,  294,  305. 
Migration,  49,  55,  97,  201.     See 

Immigration. 
Millennium,  The,  19. 
Milton's  "Paradise  Lost,"  258. 
Mind,  20,  23,  31,  52,  04,  67,  75, 
77-80,  94. 
Attitude  of,  25,  351.  See  Dog- 
matic, 
defined,  78. 
Development  of  the,  40,   50, 

64,  78.     See  Intellect. 
Finiteness  of  the,  20,  25,  28, 

37,  67. 
Fundamental  feelings  of  the, 

78,  90. 
Machinery  of  the,  345. 
The  individual,  31,  32. 
The  receptive,  173-174. 
The  social,  31-32,  76,  79,  81- 
89. 
Misdemeanors,  312. 
Misery,  see  Pain. 
Missionary  movements,  122,  162, 

204. 
Modernism,  193. 
Modification,    Modifications,   see 
Economic  factors,  Environ- 
ment. 
Mohammedanism,  204. 
Monogamy,  see  Marriage. 
Monopolies,  131,  225-228,  242. 
Moral,  idealism,  164-165. 
problems,  25. 
standards,  151-160. 
Morality,  Class,  154-160,  208. 
Freedom  in,  160,  163. 
Group,  157-160. 


Morality,  Ideals  of,  117-122. 
Scientific   basis  for,   40,   239, 

251. 
Sex,  114-115,  324-327. 
Morals,  43,  95,  165. 

Codes  of,  37,  155-157,  160. 
Differing  codes  of,  150-161. 
Higher  standards  in,  150. 
Institution  of,  146-165. 
related  to  sociology,  36,  358- 

361. 
Three  stages  of,  147,  149,  150. 
See  Development,  Stages  in. 
More,  Sir  Thomas,  39,  198,  255. 
Morley,  John,  44,  194. 
Morris,  William,  198,  297,  312. 
Movement,      Prohibition,     327, 

335. 
Movements,     Missionary,      122, 
162,  204. 
Social,  52,  195,  361. 

Narcotics,  327,  334. 
National,  civic  federation,  88. 
league  for  the  protection  of  the 
family,  123. 
Nations,  60,  61,  68,  86,  167. 
Rise  and  fall  of,  42,  68,  72, 
104,  194,  241. 
Naturalization,  276. 
Natural  selection,  299,  314,  337. 

See  Survival. 
Natural,  Nature,  38,  44,  64,  269, 
291-292,  340. 
Conquest  of,  50,  217-220,  359. 
conservatism,    see    Conserva- 
tism, 
creations,  30,  64. 
Cruelty  of,  48,  187,  283. 


INDEX 


39? 


Natural,  depravity,  see  Deprav- 
ity, 
ethics,  293-294. 
Human,  150,  238,  348. 
law,  24,  37. 
Materials    and    forces    of,    see 

Utilization.  • 

too    prolific,    187.     See    Mal- 
thus. 
Negro,  The,  206-207,  210,  275. 
Nervous  system,  The,   29,   169, 

201,  237,  281,  333. 
Nietzsche,  Friedrich,  50,  305. 
Nineteenth  century,  see  Century. 
Nobility,  The,  see  Classes,  Priv- 
ileged. 
Nomadism,  48,  99-101.     See  Do- 
mestication. 
Non-social  nature  of  man,  45. 

Observation,  Method  of,  20,  31, 

59,  173,  344. 
Obsolete,    The,    134,    152,    172, 

197,  353. 
Occupation,    Occupations,    100, 
179,  224. 
Choice  of  an,  349. 
Pursuit  of  an,  350. 
Opinion,  Public,  40,  49,  82,  115, 
119,  120,  135,  150,  153,  156, 
157,  266. 
Opportunities  for  education,  131, 

173,  257. 
Opportunity,    A    fair,    40,    108, 

131,  134,  272. 
Optimism,  19,  188,  195,  279. 
Order,  26,  30. 

of  the  sciences,  21-23. 
Social,  38,  47,  54,  65,  91,  259. 


Organic,  74. 
Organisms,  30,  92. 
Organization,  Social,  24,  39,  40, 

93,  120,  143,  271,  313. 
Oriental,  41,  296. 
Ovid,  43,  49. 
Owen,  Robert,  278. 

Pain,  134,  164,  1S7,  281-282. 

Pain  economy,  163,  188,  189, 
359. 

Palissy,  Bernard,  264. 

Panaceas,  Social,  5,  19,  38,  189, 
190,  274. 

Pantheism,  139. 

Paradise,  19,  43,  82,  263. 

"Paradise  Lost,"  258. 

Paradox,  50,  158. 

Parasites,  Social,  176,  182-183, 
296-297,  302. 

Parties,  Political,  130. 

Patent  medicines,  190,  334. 

Patents,  220,  226,  227,  275. 

Patriarchal  civilization,  41,  117, 
120,  124-125,  140,  323.  See 
Agricultural,  Nomadism. 

Patriotism,  47,  122. 

Patten,  Simon  N.,  163. 

Pauperism,    34,    38,    211,    232, 
298-304. 
distinguished    from    poverty, 
298-299.     See  Poverty. 

Peace,  50-51,  57,  148. 

Peasant  population,  102,  117, 
237. 

Pearson,  Karl,  22. 

Penologists,  213,  308. 

Penology,  see  Crime,  Punish- 
ment. 


398 


INDEX 


Peonage,  292-293. 

Perfection  of  humanity,  193,  361. 

Permanency,  see  Marriage,  Re- 
ligion. 

Personality,  Importance  of,  82- 
86,  92,  267,  342,  348-350, 
354. 

Personification  of  ideals,  122. 

Perverts,  123,  320,  322. 

Pessimism,   188,   195,  273,  279, 
352. 
Social,  20,  31-34,  91. 

Philanthropic,  5,  318,  329. 

Philology,  30. 

Philosophers,  24,  34,  43,  67,  139, 
140,  166-167,  231,  285. 

Philosophy,  20,  24,  95,  138',  167, 
247,  249-250. 
defined,  34-35. 
related  to  sociology,  35-36. 

Physical,  appetites,  175,  234. 
environment,  see  Environment. 

Physician,  The,  83,  139,  153,  322. 

Physiological  aspects  of  intem- 
perance, 333-334. 

Physique,  Human,  240,  265,  268. 

Physics,  21,  22,  24,  28,  30,  32, 
37,  39. 

Plane  of  civilization,  The,  233. 

Plato,  7,  39,  44,  96,  108,  166, 
172,  177,  197,  198,  212,  246, 
293. 

Play,  Importance  of,  168,  224, 
240.     See  Games. 

Pleasure,  79,  281-2S2.  See  Hap- 
piness. 

Pleasure  economy,  164,  189,  359. 

Policies,  Policy,  constructive, 
6,  20,  69,  136. 


Policy,  Social,  5,  6,  214. 

or  Purpose,  Telic,  6,  86,  l!l(i. 
211,     213,    256,     274,    277, 
341,  Chapter  XVIII. 
defined,  191. 
Political  parties,  130. 
Politician,  158. 
Polygamy,  59,  116,  117,  120. 
Population,    98,    100,    102,    117, 
237,  242,  278. 
School,  290. 
Positivist  church,  The,  25,  357. 
Positivity  of  knowledge,  20,  21, 

22,  35,  40. 
Posterity,  The  worship  of,   115. 
Poverty,  178,  298-304,  334. 
Causes  of,  300. 

distinguished  from  pauperism, 
298-299.      See  Pauperism. 
Pressure,  Social,  31,  81-82. 
Preventive  measures  in  charity, 

see  Charity. 
Prevision,  37, 38, 75, 248, 341, 361. 
Priest,  Priesthood,  39,  69,  141- 

142,  236.     See  Clergy. 
Priestly  leisure  class,   142. 
Primitive,    civilization,    30,    49, 
98,  272. 
customs,  146-147. 
environment,  44-^8. 
mentality,  49,  138-140. 
savage,  41-49,  59,  60,  337. 
tabu,  48,  147. 
Principles,  see  Applications,  So- 
ciological. 
Private  property,  see  Property. 
Privileged  classes,  see  Classes. 
Probation  system,  153,  308,  312, 
332,  336. 


INDEX 


399 


Problems,  Social,  50,   160,  218, 

273.     See  Part  II. 
Processes,  The  mental,  see  Men- 
tal. 
Professional,  69,  108,  133,  230. 
Profits,  241,  292-295,  330. 
Progress,  Social,  6,  19,  29,  35,  38, 
40, '61-63,  72,  Chapter  IX. 
Basis  for,  20,  197. 
Economic  factors  in,  Chapter 

XI. 
Educational  factors  in,  Chap- 
ter XIII. 
Handicaps  to,  see  Handicaps. 
Hindrances  to,  see  Handicaps. 
Individual,  Chapter  XVIII. 
Policy  of,  352. 

Racial  factors  in,  Chapter  X. 
Social  psychology  and,  Chap- 
ter XIV. 
versus  status,  56,  341. 
Prohibition  movement,  327,  335. 
Prohibitions,   on  activities  and 
conduct,  46,  123,  147,  264, 
354. 
on  marriage,  115,  316. 
Proletariat,  The,  188,  210,  218, 
241,  277,  321,  338.     See  La- 
bor, Unskilled. 
Propagation,     Suppression     of, 
212,   322,   356.     See  Segre- 
gation. 
Property,  106-107,  125,  298. 
Communal,  106,  109,  298. 
Private,  107,  125,  158. 
Prophecy,  Prophetic,  38, 146,198. 

Scientific,  37,  274. 
Prophets,  67,  68,  141,  238,  360. 
of  civilization,  19,  57. 


Prostitution,  114,  317,  318,  338. 
Protestantism,  204. 
Protoplasmic  cell,  30. 
Psychological  aspects  of  intem- 
perance, 332-333. 
Psychology,  32,  40,  251. 
as  a  science,  21-23,  35-36. 
defined,  30-31. 
Individual.  76. 
of  the  crowd,  83-85,  269. 
related  to  sociology,  28-32,77- 

80. 
Social,  31,  34,  Chapter  IV,  76, 
77. 
Applications     of,     Chapter 
XIV. 
Public,  education,  see  Education. 
opinion,  see  Opinion, 
schools,  see  Schools. 
Punishment,  153. 

for  crime,  148,  306-307. 
Reforms  in,  311-312. 
Purpose,  Telic,  see  Policy,  Telic. 

Race,  safety,  165. 

suicide,  205,  210,  211,  277. 
Races,  30. 

Degenerate,  43. 

Superior,  55,  200-203. 

Weaker,  43,  56,  200-203. 
Racial,  altruism,  47,  202. 

deterioration,  56. 

differences,  200-201. 

factors     in     social     progress, 
Chapter  X. 

progress,  121,  202-203. 

struggles,  206,  207-208. 

vigor,  316. 
Radicalism,  5,  69,  169,  271. 


400 


INDEX 


Radicals,  56,  61,  80. 
Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  48. 
Rational  imitation,  87,  88. 
Reasoning,  59,  78,  90,  344-346. 

See  Intellect.  Mind. 
Receptive  mind,  The,  173-174. 
Reconstruction,  Social,  361. 
Reference    bureau,    Legislative, 

223. 
Reflection,  20,  53,  88. 
Reforms,  19,  165. 

Social,  20,  33,  189-190. 
Summary  of  social,  337-339. 
Regeneration,  Social,  5. 
Regulations, 

of  conduct  and  activity,  46. 
of  marriage,  see  Marriage. 
Social,  93,  161. 
Relation  of  cultural  to  material 

civilization,  see  Cultural. 
Relationship,  Conjugal,  see  Con- 
jugal, 
of  the  sciences,  see  Sciences, 
of  church  and  state,  see  Church. 
Sexual,  see  Sexual. 
Relativity  of  knowledge,  20,  37, 

261-263. 
Religion,    34,    43,    59,    85,    164, 
203-204,  294-295,  317-318. 
Beginnings  of,  138. 
Influence  of  environment  on, 

140-141. 
of  humanity,  25,  356-357. 
Permanency  of,  145-146. 
related    to    sociology,    36-37, 

138,  146,  357-361. 
Teachings  of,  36-37,  95,  142- 
143. 
Religious,  fervor,  25. 


Religious,     freedom,     see    Con- 
science, 
institution,    The,    5,    36,    83, 

138-146. 
secrets,  142. 

symbols,  71,  140,  142,  153. 
teachers,    114,    153,   359.     See 

Clergy, 
teachings,    Rigidity    in,     142- 
143. 

Remorse,  307,  313. 

Reorganization,  Social,  5,  55, 
194,  197. 

Revolutions,  194,  195,   199. 

Right,  Rights,  160, 165,  225,  293, 
321. 
Woman's,  see  Woman. 

Rigidity,  142-143,  222,  260,  272, 
275. 

Ripley,  William  Z.,  80,  202. 

Rise  and  fall  of  nations,  see  Na- 
tions. 

Roman,  Rome,  5,  43,  60,  111, 
116,  127-128,  148,  154,  156, 
259. 

Romance  nations,  207,  208,  235, 
277. 

Romanes,  George  John,  59. 

Romanticism,  118. 

Ross,  Edward  A.,  54,  88,  92,  205. 

Rousseau,  Jean  Jacques,  19,  44, 
194,  285. 

Safety,  Group,  see  Group. 

Race,  165. 
Saloon,  The,  221,  328,  331,  334- 

335,  356. 
Saloons,  Location  of,  334. 
Salvation,  359-361. 


INDEX 


401 


Samurai,  154,  238.     " 
Samuri,  The  order  of  the,  182. 
Sanctity  of  life,  320. 
Saracenic  civilization,  71. 
Savage,  see  Primitive. 
School  population,  290. 
Schools,  174,  245,  276,  308,  310, 

330.     See  Education. 
Science,  6. 

Applied,  26. 

Border  lands  of,  26,  31,  77. 

Concrete,  see  Concrete. 

Empirical,  see  Empirical. 

Pure,  26. 

Three  aspects  of,  25-26. 

Theories  of,  24,  27. 

Utility  of,  23-24,  39. 
Sciences,  244. 

Basis  for  the,  21. 

Classification  of  the,  20-25. 

Comparative,  30. 

Complexity  of  the,  23-25. 

Coordination  of  the,  21. 

Data  for  the,  21. 

Filiation  of  the,  23,  28. 

Historical  order  of  the,  24-25, 
30. 

Order  of  the,  21-23. 

Positivity  of  the,  see  Positivity. 

Relationship  of  the,  23,  28,  38. 

Series  of  the,  see  Series. 

The  special  social,  29,  32-34, 
40,  74. 
Scientific,   achievements,    6,  24, 
167. 

attainment,  24. 

basis   for   morality,    40,    239, 
251. 

discoveries,  39,  71,  220,  228. 


Scientific,   hypotheses,    see   Hy- 
potheses, 
knowledge,  20,  28,  32,  35,  36, 

39. 
laws,  25-27,  135. 
legislation,  108,  136. 
methods,  40. 
principles,  21,  28. 
Scientist,  The,  38,  139,  228. 
Secret  knowledge,  142,  227. 
Segregation,  213,  221,  303,  306- 
307,  311-312,  316,  320-321. 
See   Elimination,    Propaga- 
tion. 
Selection,  Natural,  see  Natural. 
Self-Control,  79,   115,   163,  244, 

319. 
Sensations,  77. 
Senses,  344. 
Separation  of  church  from  state, 

see  Church. 
Serfdom,  50,  292. 
Series  of  sciences,  21,  23,  26,  32, 

250. 
Sex  morality,  114-115,  324-327. 
Sexual,  desires,  79,  90,  114-115, 
149,  208,  314,  319. 
diseases,  316,  317,  322. 
immorality,  314-327. 
relations,  112,  114-117. 
standards,  114,  116-120,  318, 

324-325. 
tabu,  114,  315,  319. 
vices,  38,   114,  315. 
Sexuality,    Education    in,    123, 
316,  319-320,325-326. 
Ethics  of,  318,  324-327. 
Simple  iife,  The,  see  Life. 
Sin,  Sins,  273,  280,  321,  359-360. 


402 


INDEX 


Slavery,  101-102,  106,  292. 

A  new,  171-172. 
Slaves,  50,  113,  275. 
Small,  Albion  W.,  54. 
Smith,  Adam,  226. 
Smithing,  103. 

Social,  see  in  Index  the  particu- 
lar word  modified   by   this 
adjective. 
Socialism,  3,  25,   198,  259,  356. 
Socialization,  89,  284,  299,  313, 

354. 
Society,  6,  27,  50,  61,  213,  312. 
Activities  of,  see  Activities. 
Agencies  of,  see  Agencies. 
Aims  or  ambitions  of,  see  Aims, 
defined,  41-42. 
Leaders  in,  see  Leaders. 
Organic  nature  of,  74. 
Unit  of,  47,  52. 
Sociological,  data,  29. 
ethics,  358-361. 
importance  of  scientific  knowl- 
edge, 28-29. 
principles,  6,  26,   29,   33,   35, 

38,  40,  52,  54. 
psychology,  31,  77. 
theory,  38,  351. 
Sociologist,   Sociologists,  7,    20, 
26,  29,  31,  34,  37,  51-54,  81, 
88,  91. 
Sociology,  249. 

Applied,  22,  27,  33. 
as  related  to  achievement,  58. 
morals,  36,  35S-361. 
other  sciences,  76. 
philosophy,  35-36. 
psychology,  see  Psychology, 
religion,  see  Religion. 


Sociology,  as  related    to  social 
problems,  5,  273-274. 

Basal  sciences  for,  29,  74-75. 

Data  for,  29,  32. 

defined,  30-31,  33. 

Field  of,  20. 

Formative  stage  of,  29,  34. 

Function  of,  19,  20. 

Importance  of,  19. 

is  anthropocentric,  39. 

Principles  of,  see  Sociological. 

Pure,  22,  27,  33. 

Science  of,  Chapter  I,  73. 

Teachings  of,  5,  7,  Part  I. 

Utility  of,  190-192. 
Socrates,  141,  172,  188. 
Solar  system,  20,  24,  30. 
Solidarity  of  the  race,  52. 
Sorcerers,  141. 
"Soul  liberty,"  143. 
Special  social  sciences,  29,  32- 

34,  40,  74. 
Specialists,   28,   34. 
Speculations,  26,  29. 
Speech,   Freedom  of,  see  Free- 
dom. 
Spencer,  Herbert,  21,  22,  34,  51- 
52,  54,  74,  96,  310,  341,  357. 
Stages,  of    moral    development, 
The  three,  see  Morals. 

of    social    development,    The 
three,     see     Development, 
Stages  of. 
Standards,  84,  87,  202,  222,  265. 

Economic,  see  Economic. 

Ethical,  62,  151-160,  209. 

of  life,  see  Life. 

of  positivity,  21-22. 

Sexual,  see  Sexual. 


INDEX 


403 


Standards,  Static,  169. 
State,  The,  252,  254. 
Beginnings  of,   123-125. 
Development  of,  123-137. 
Duties  of,  124,  220-223,  226, 

296. 
influenced  by  commerce,  127- 

134. 
Powers  of  the,  129-131,  329- 

330. 
Relations    with    the    church, 
129,  131,  144-145. 
See  Government. 
Statesmen,    137,    158,  223,  227, 

295. 
Static  civilization,  54,  69-70,  81- 
87,  192-194,  195,  248,  288. 
defined,  70. 

Social  institutions  of,  196. 
Standards  of,  169. 
Status,  56. 

Stimulus,  Stimuli,  39,  50,  69,  93, 
103,  108,  201,  221-222,  239, 
264,  266,  30S. 
Stocks,  Degenerate,  see  Degen- 
erate. 
Stoicism,  294. 
Strata,  The  earth's,  30. 
Strenuous  life,  The,  194. 
Strong,  Josiah,  356,  357. 
Structure,  Social,  51,  80,  93. 
Struggle,  for  survival,  The,  62, 
105,  187,  299.  See  Survival, 
of  classes,  see  Classes. 
Struggles,  Racial,  see  Racial. 
"Submerged  tenth,"  232,  337. 
Subordination    of    the    concrete 

sciences,  21,  23. 
Suggestibility,  Social,  83-86, 141. 


Suggestion,  Telic,  227-228. 

Suppression  of  propagation,  see 
Propagation. 

Suicidal,  Suicide,  175,  263,  303. 

Suicide,  Race,  see  Race. 

Sumner,  W.  G.,  90,  300. 

Summary  of  social  reforms,  337- 
339. 

"Sun,  Nothing  new  under  the," 
86,  352. 

Superman,  The,  50,  160,  267, 
268,  294. 

Supernatural,  The,  25,  44,  47, 
168. 

Superstition,  142-143,  167,  269. 

Survey,  The,  279,  328.  (Chari- 
ties and  the  Commons.) 

Survival  of  the  strong  (fit),  50, 
79,  86,  187,  206,  209,  282, 
314,  359.  See  Natural  Se- 
lection, Struggle  for  Sur- 
vival. 

Sympathy,  52,  54-56,  110,  164. 

Tabu,  147-149,  327,  33S. 

civilization,  150. 

Elimination  of  the,  281-282. 

in  morals,  see  Morals. 

in  sexuality,  see  Sexuality. 

of  the  savage,  48,  147. 
Talent,  235-240,  256. 

A  career  for,  177-183. 
Tariff,  227,  275. 

Taxation,  129,  229,  242, 278, 296. 
Teachers,  27,  83,  246,  265,  279. 

Religious,  114,  359. 
Telic,  195. 

contrasted  with  genetic,  67. 

The  term  defined,  67. 


404 


INDEX 


Telic,  See  in  Index  the  particular 
word  modified  by  this  ad- 
jective. 

Telesis,  Collective,  SO. 

Temperance,  Education  a  factor 
in,  330-331. 

Tenney,  Edward  P.,  260. 

Tennyson,  Alfred,  quoted,  194. 

Test  of  civilization,  282. 

Theft,  155,  305. 

Theology,  138,  139,  146,  248, 
310,  345,  358. 

Theories,  of  science,  24,  27. 
of  social  development,  51-57. 

Theory,  Sociological,  38,  351. 

Thought,  20,  24,  36,  67,  245. 
See  Reasoning. 

Tobacco,  The  use  of,  327,  347. 

Toleration  in  morals,  160. 

Tolman,  William  EL,  284. 

Tolstoi,  Leo,  50,  231. 

Tools,  42,  45,  64. 
of  the  mind,  65. 

Torture,  101,  148,  188. 

Trade,  103. 

secrets,  224-225. 

unions,  221,  226,  229-230,  241. 

Tradition,  Traditions,  19,  25, 
43,  72,  95,  143. 

Training  of  the  mind,  see  Mind. 

Transcendental,  166. 

Transition,  Age  of,  152,  226,  306. 

Transportation,  Systems  of,  97, 
99,  104-105. 

Trend,  20,  38,  39,  82,  119,  134, 
153,  160,  161. 

Tropics,  The,  99,  201,  219. 

Truth,  26,  37,  38,  65,  122,  169, 
197,  239,  263. 


Unit  of  society,  The,  47,  52. 
Ultimate  causes,  20. 
United  States  Brewers'  Associa- 
tion, 328. 
United  States  of  America,  The, 
87,  102,  169,  177,  207,  222- 
223,  227. 
Early  conditions  in,  274-275. 
Economic  problems  of,   277- 

278. 
Problem  of  education  in,  278- 

279. 
Problem    of    immigration    in, 
209-211,       275-277.        See 
America. 
Unions,       Labor,       see      Trade 

Unions. 
Unity,  of  interests,  297. 

of  knowledge,  22,  25,  28,  34, 

38,  67,  250. 
Social,  6,  52,  94. 
Universe,   The,   20,   24,   30,   32, 

67. 
Universities,  71,  247,  254,  256, 
344.     See  College,   Curricu- 
lum. 
Unskilled  labor,  see  Labor. 
Urban,  104,  107,  286.  See  City. 
Utilitarianism,  39. 
Utility,  27,  187. 

of  group  life,  46,  111. 
of  knowledge,  245-249. 
of  science  to  man,  23-24,  39. 
of  sociology,  190-192. 
Utilization   of   natural   material 
and  forces,  32,  40,  45,  61, 
64,  66,  105-106,  181. 
Utopia,  Utopias,  19,  38,  48,  194, 
352. 


INDEX 


405 


Utopian,  108,  181,  198,  313,  361. 
Utopians,  Teachings  of,  197-198, 
285. 

Vae  Victis,  50. 

Variation,   52,   54,   SI,   94,   233, 
259,  271. 

Veblen,  T.  B.,  27,  177. 

Verification    of    knowledge,    35. 
See  Positivity. 

Vice,  Vices,  202,  204,  208,  241, 
300. 
Sexual,  see  Sexual. 

Vicious,  83,  115,  316.     See  Per- 
verts. 

Vigor,  Racial,  240-241,  251. 

Virgil,  Quotations  from,  5,  255. 

Virtue,  Virtues,  83. 

Vocabularies,  5,  74,  75. 

Wallis,  Louis,  177. 

Wanderlust,  47. 

Wants,  Social,  92. 

War,   Warfare,   43,   46,   49,   50, 

53,  113,  201,  205. 
Elimination  of,  134,  221,  253. 

See  Band. 


Ward,  Lester  F.,  7,  22. 

Psychological  teachings,  78-80. 

quoted,  21,  58,  191-192. 

References  to  works  of,  22,  23, 
30,  65,  80,  87,  93,  113. 
Warner,  Amos  G.,  304. 
Waste,  142,  171,  190,  256,  281. 

Elimination  of,  137,  238,  242, 
313. 
Weak,    Elimination   of   the,    see 

Elimination. 
Weaklings,  263,  316. 
Wealthy,  The,  103,  133. 
Welfare,  19,  157,  327. 
Wells,  H.  G.,  182. 
Western  civilization,  see  Civiliza- 
tion. 
"Wild  oats,"  321. 
Wisdom,  150. 
Woman,  5,  112,  113,  325-326. 

Equality  of,  116-117. 
Woman's,    influence,   116,    323- 
325. 

rights,  116,  323-324,  335. 
Writings,  Sacred,  143. 

Zoology,  30. 


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